He’s always described as a “provocateur,” but this is true cultural warrior,
fearless creative genius, and force of nature. Do NOT miss his fascinating
new bestseller, Righteous Indignation: Excuse Me While I Save the
RUSH: Andrew, how are you, my boy?
BREITBART: Hello, Rush. I hate to be Mr. Redundancy, but
thank you for everything.
RUSH: Oh, no, no, you’re more than welcome. How’s it going
out there?
BREITBART: It’s going great. I’m in my element. I like media
warfare, and I get an amazing high from it. And I feel that I’m changing people’s minds, which is what I care about. That’s why I like to
go into the lion’s den. I like to go to Starbucks the next day and have
a liberal barista say, “I saw you on tv and I couldn’t believe how rude
those people were to you,” or, “You made sense,” or, “You made me
laugh.” I hope that barista is who I was 15 to 20 years ago, when I
started to change my point of view.
RUSH: Well, let’s start there. Who were you 15, 20 years ago? And
what happened?
BREITBART: I was a cultural default liberal. The factory setting
in West Los Angeles, in Brentwood — O.J.’s former Brentwood — is
liberal. I strayed from my parents’ quiet conservatism of my youth;
they voted for Reagan, they voted for George Bush’s father. I strayed
to be with the in crowd at my prep school. I certainly strayed when
I went to college and I said what I had to say, wrote what I had to
write, to get the professors to pass me in my classes. I said what I had
to say to get liberal girls to like me. I started thinking that I was an
actual liberal.
And then the real world woke me up — from the day that my
father said, upon my graduation, “The gravy train is over, you have
to get a real job.” The humiliation of having to get a wait job in
fancy West Los Angeles, waiting on college and high school friends
who were on the fast track to Hollywood success, was a wakeup
call. It was a necessary transition toward recognizing that the place
where self-esteem is built is from hard work and perseverance, not
from knowing the right people and possessing the politically correct
philosophy of liberalism.
RUSH: Why do you think more people out there are not similarly
affected as you were by life’s realities?
BREITBART: I have to thank my parents for this, because I think
I wouldn’t have gotten back on course if I hadn’t had the roots of
conservatism. So my revelation isn’t a natural trajectory for the average liberal who has life smack him in the face with reality. I really do
think my parents were a major factor — their quiet perseverance, the
silent generation conservatives.
But I think that my sense of justice, to quote Barack Obama and
the left, was absolutely at the height of my believing that I was a
liberal. The only thing I learned in college was political correctness
— in essence what Bush called the soft bigotry of lower expectations.
So when Clarence Thomas was put on a show trial, I accepted the
premise that he must have done something so egregious that all of
the abc, cbs, and nbc staff were justified in treating it like it was
the most important moment in the history of media. I accepted the
premise that he had done something as a black man that would cause
even the naacp and the Urban League to sit on their hands as they
were pillorying this man.
But when I watched the hearings over the period of a week, I would
call that my “great awakening.” It was the moment that I became
open to the arguments of Rush Limbaugh. Because I saw what you — he’s a racist, sexist, homophobe, Nazi bigot.” This is before my
ultimately helped lead me through: the pervasiveness of liberalism transformation.
in the mainstream media, and that there was something really, really RUSH: I hope so!
wrong here.
BREITBART: He said, “Are you sure you’ve listened to him?” I
Then I saw the same people who said that Clarence Thomas was said, “Of course I have.” In hindsight, this is what’s instructive in
a horrific serial sexual harasser, anoint Bill Clinton as the standard listening to you when you’re being talked to by a seminar caller.
bearer of the feminist movement. That juxtaposition, and that I was programmed to hate you. I was programmed to believe to
hypocrisy, was violent to me. It took two years of driving around the core of my being that I had listened to you! If I had taken a lie
Los Angeles listening to you to start realizing that “it’s the drive-by detector test, I promise you I would have passed — because I knew,
media, stupid.”
because the media told me, because “60 Minutes” told me, because
RUSH: You’re answering all my questions
everybody told me that you were that.
before I ask them! You’re in the process
And then, because of my pure hatred for grunge
of answering the next one. I’ve never been
music, during the 1992 election cycle I grudgingly
through anything like this. I don’t know
switched from the fm dial to the am dial, and I started
how it feels. I’ve never had a “great awakto listen to you. You started to make sense to me in a
ening” when it comes to core beliefs and
way that Noam Chomsky and Howard Zinn never really
principals. But you have. What was it like to
connected with me. In college the instructors were tryhave your world shocked? I know you were
ing to tell me that Noam Chomsky and Howard Zinn
young, but what was it like to have your
were the answer and that I just had to open my mind up
to try and understand what they were writing. I always
reality blown to smithereens, or however you
felt insecure, believing I must be stupid, because I could
would term it, when this all happened?
never really understand their language or their message.
BREITBART: I just watched the Chaz
Listening to you, I thought, “Rush sounds like my
Bono special on Oprah — it was the equivaparents; he articulates my parents’ silent values. And my
lent of realizing that I was in the wrong
parents are good and decent people.” I started to really
body. I started to ask very basic questions of
connect with the fact that I was a nihilist, and didn’t
my liberal friends and peers: “Have you
believe in anything. My ethical underpinnings had been
noticed these hypocrisies?” “Why did they
treat Clarence Thomas this way?” “Why did
they treat Judge Bork this way?” I started to
“For every friend or even family member I’ve lost,
ask things about the Great Society, and
I’ve gained 10, 20, 30 people who are committed to
started asking, “Do you think that these
policies have actually helped black people?”
this battle, to this movement, to this fight to keep
And when they didn’t have any good
this nation great.” — ANDREW BREITBART
answers, I started to wonder, “Is this really
happening to me?” I would say that it was
uncomfortable. I realized that I was starting to lose friends. But it utterly challenged in college — I was existing in a realm of thoughtwas made a lot easier because at the exact moment that was happen- less moral relativism. When I started to listen to your show and to
ing — and I still had a strong desire to be liked and to maintain my read the books and the authors you would cite, the Thomas Sowells
relationships on the west side of L.A. — Orson Bean, my then- of the world, when I would listen to Walter Williams talk about
girlfriend’s father, became something of a mentor, something of a basic economics — it was as if a light had been turned on in my life.
I used to have insomnia. I think that insomnia was borne of
Yoda to me.
existing in a world in which I believed in nothing. I haven’t had
RUSH: Orson Bean!
insomnia since I embraced conservatism — it was the equivalent of
BREITBART: Yes. I just remember waiting tables on him at
my hipster restaurant, and during brunch he would be doing The realizing, as you’re sitting in a desert and it’s 105 degrees and you’ve
New York Times crossword puzzle, and his jokes were urbane, his been sitting next to a never-ending supply of water, that maybe if
conversation was George Plimptonesque, and I thought, “This guy you start drinking that water you won’t be so parched. I just started
is the most sophisticated guy on the planet.” As I got to know him, to drink the water — or the Kool-Aid, as my detractors would say.
I recognized that he had a “Road to Damascus” conversion from I’ve never once regretted it. For every friend or even family member
left to right. He was blacklisted as a communist back in the 50s — I’ve lost, I’ve gained 10, 20, 30 people who are committed to this
he had Ed Sullivan tell him over the phone, “I can’t have you on battle, to this movement, to this fight to keep this nation great.
the show because you’ve been blacklisted.” By the time I started RUSH: Let’s talk about that. And, by the way, thank you for
to become friends with Orson and he became my mentor, he had the kind words. I really appreciate it. When you went through the
already become a full-fledged conservative. He had your book on awakening, the realization, how long did it take you to become
his bookshelf. At the time — this was before I had listened to your an evangel and want to actually do something about it in terms of
show — I remember asking him, “Why would you have this man’s persuading other people? And what was your first vehicle for that?
book?” He said, “Why do you ask?” I said, “Do you have this for Because a lot of people, Andrew, think that with your Big websites,
irony? As a conversation piece?” He said, “Have you ever listened to the James O’Keefe videos, the new book you have out, that you’re
Rush Limbaugh?” I said, “Of course I’ve listened to Rush Limbaugh an overnight success or an overnight arrival — but you’re obviously
not. What was the length of time it took you to decide to become
part of this movement, whatever you want to call it, to actually
enter it and try to facilitate other people seeing what you saw on
your own?
BREITBART: At the exact moment I started to have this
recognition of my conservatism, the internet was a revelation to me.
Upon hooking up to the internet, in the shortest amount of time
you can imagine, I happened upon a series of news groups, in which
Matt Drudge was posting something called the Drudge Report in
a newsletter form. It spoke to me immediately. It was quirky, it
was optimistic, where my generation’s writing style tended to be
cynical and ironic. It spoke to politics from a point of view that I
agreed with. But it also covered the pop culture from the behindthe-scenes: who’s getting paid how much, the ratings, the stuff that
really mattered. I sent him an email, and he responded immediately.
I asked, “Is this a business? Are there a
thousand of you? Are there a hundred of
you?” He responded, “This is just me.” I
found out he lived in Hollywood and I
lived in Santa Monica. We ended up meeting at the Venice Canals at Orson’s place,
and for four hours I listened to him talk
about the media and politics and what he
was doing.
As he drove away in his Hyundai — I
believe it was a Hyundai, it putt-putted
away — I looked at my wife and said,
“That’s a media visionary. That guy is
going to change the world.” At the time
he was working at cbs. I 100 percent had
prescience that Matt Drudge was special,
and I watched him very closely change the
media landscape. I watched how he went
through trials at the hands of the media
that presumed his guilt when he was telling the truth about Monica Lewinsky. I
think it pained me to a greater degree than
he was pained, when he was attacked by the media and they called
him a liar.
I remember Matt Lauer challenging him on the blue dress on tv.
Lauer said, “That’s not true — The Dallas Morning News retracted
that.” Drudge stood by the story. After being pilloried for years and
being exonerated when the blue dress turned out to be true, at no
point did the media apologize to him for casting aspersions on him.
I learned an enormous amount watching him take the shots and
deliver the goods, and during that period of time I always asked
myself, “Do I have the courage Matt Drudge has exhibited? Do I
have the courage Rush Limbaugh has exhibited?” I started to find
myself entering my 30s and parenthood, and I started to challenge
whether I had the courage to stand up for this cause that I now
firmly believed in. I really wondered, “Do I have the guts to put
myself through the wringer like these guys do, to go up against the
Democrat-media complex?” I definitely have people who have given
me that perspective: if you believe what you believe, you should
start standing up for it.
RUSH: You said you love the fight. I watch you and I can tell
that you thrive in it. Talk about prescience — one of the things
you have been most prescient on is understanding how the right
has simply failed to even care — until you’ve come along — about
actually getting a serious foothold in the culture. The left has owned
it. You have said that you think Hollywood is more important than
Washington, that politics is downstream from the culture. What do
you mean by that?
BREITBART: I mean that by the time that Eric Cantor and John
Boehner are asked in October of an election year to save the country, you’ve already lost. This is a center-right country; its culture
should reflect that in fact — but things are so tilted to the left, on
purpose in an organized and conspiratorial fashion. The left recognized that the way to defeat America was from within, and within
its cultural institutions.
In Righteous Indignation, I wrote my history chapter on the
Frankfurt School, the German and Italian intellects who were social
and cultural Marxists. They translated economic Marxism into
cultural terms. Antonio Gramsci, sort of
the granddaddy of the Frankfurt School,
believed in gradualism, that one must
begin a long march through the institutions. By the institutions he meant the
mainstream media, Hollywood, the mainline churches, and academia.
Hollywood, I believe, is at the forefront
of that. In the late 1960s, when the likes
of John Wayne and Jimmy Stewart and
the old breed of Hollywood studio bosses
were dying out, very patriotic, a bunch of
countercultural types took over and have
never rested.
Wherever the left exists, whether it be
in Venezuela or Cuba or the former Soviet
Union or the uc Berkeley campus, wherever the left gains control there seems to be
a totalitarian grip: if you disagree, you’re
on the outs. If you disagree, you’re put in
prison. If you disagree, you’re blacklisted.
It pains me that dynamic exists, and I witness it every day in Hollywood. I have countless friends who are
conservative and they just keep quiet.
But at the end of the day, my greatest criticism is of the conservative movement, conservative millionaires and billionaires who don’t
recognize that our culture is there for the taking. That they could
take over a studio with their money and make movies that reflect
their worldview — but they choose not to, because it’s not something they’re oriented to. They pooh-pooh the culture. I think that
it’s a huge mistake. It’s not something that can be fixed in two years,
four years, or six years in terms of electoral cycles, it’s something
that needs to be fixed over a generation or two. It’s going to start
with a long march back through the institutions, for conservatives
and patriots to reclaim our culture.
RUSH: When you started your websites, Big Government, Big
Journalism, and so forth, was that your focus? Not just Hollywood
but the culture? You were trying to get to that young demographic
that informs itself via pop culture, trying to establish a credible
conservative presence there and in the process encourage others you
knew in Hollywood who think and act as you do but didn’t want
the hassles of going public with it? Is that still your focus, or have
you branched out to include other things as well?
I’m more interested in the cultural matters than
the political matters, though I do think they’re connected. When
television shows or radio shows call me up to ask me my opinions
on political issues, I think they’re missing the point. I have a trick,
I always change it to media. I always change it to cultural answers.
I answer the question differently than they expect because I’m not
a policy expert.
Arianna Huffington likes to position herself as the queen of the
left-wing blogosphere. I’m trying to be more the Pied Piper of the
right-wing blogosphere. I don’t care if people blog at my site. I
don’t care if people videotape their professor indoctrinating them in
communism, which is what we’ve been able to do at the University
of Missouri right now. I’m trying to just tap as many people into
the realm of the new media and I don’t care who gets credit. I want
there to be a nation of new media journalists out there who are
revolutionizing the media to the extent that the Bill Kellers and the
Maureen Dowds and the Pinch Sulzbergers are having fits over the
rebirth of a dying industry.
RUSH: It is happening. I don’t know what Maureen Dowd and
Bill Keller talk or think about, but the objective evidence is there:
The Times is losing subscribers, it’s losing advertisers, they’ve got a
paywall. They’re a cultural force by virtue of habit. There’s really
not a whole lot of energy there. They’re losing readers.
culture and politics are linked — by morality, for one thing. But
you can only do so much. Any one person, even Drudge, can only
do so much to successfully implement the things you’re out there
fighting for. There has to be a political apparatus that welcomes
you, supports you, and is willing to employ some of the things you
turn up and give them. And I know — it happened to me, too —
that there are people you assume to be on your side who really don’t
like what you’re doing, due to jealousy, childish little things, or a
challenge to the kingdom or what have you, or you embarrass them,
or whatever. Add to that, we have a Republican Party that is our
vehicle which doesn’t seem — let me put it this way: Do you think
the Republican Party has anywhere near the same level of commitment or energy that you have?
RUSH: So how do you deal with that?
BREITBART: It’s frustrating, because I thought that if I charged
against the enemy and had some real victories borne of exposing corruption at a metaphysical level, such as acorn, that the
institutional right would have my back, and that the Republican
Party would have my back. What I found out is they’re very good at
fundraising off of the enthusiasms in the population that are borne
from the successes that we do in the new media. But when you get
into trouble, they run for the hills. It’s sobering and instructive, and
you realize who the good
“The left recognized that the way to defeat America guys are and who the bad
guys are. You realize that it’s
not necessarily the team you
was from within its cultural institutions.”
thought it was, that there are
— ANDREW BREITBART a lot of individuals out there
who are acting for their own
Do you have a timeline for this? Are you optimistic, now that self-betterment. You take the wisdom that comes from experience
you’re in the middle of it? I’ve been at this 23 years and I’m struck and you just tread on.
But in the process of being beaten down, you meet the great ones,
by the fact I still say the same things in a philosophical sense in
trying to persuade people today that I did 23 years ago, because and you meet your friends and you meet your allies, and you meet
there are always new people listening. It really takes a renewed the people who are true blue. I don’t think I would have been able
effort every day. It’s never going to end. There’s never going to be to meet those people had I not gone through adversity. I think the
a day when you can proclaim victory. The battle’s going to have real good ones are seeking out others who are willing to stick their
to be taken and waged each and every day. Have you found necks out for the same greater level of commitment, based in a deep
love for this country and what it stands for.
the same thing?
BREITBART: Yes, it gets very exhausting. The day that you
RUSH: You’ve said that men have been turned into eunuchs by
expect to do a touchdown dance never comes. Because they are political correctness, and that’s one of the reasons you think women
always up to no good at the other end of the battle. These are leading the Tea Party. You consider yourself a Tea Party guy,
people are committed cultural warriors, they’re committed political right?
warriors. We call it like it is. When the mainstream media pretends BREITBART: Absolutely.
that they’re objective and neutral, while every day they’re out there RUSH: This is fascinating to me, that the left has even had an
putting on their war paint and going to battle against us as they objective to totally reorder the social structure where men and
claim they’re not, it’s a very frustrating dynamic. I don’t think I women are concerned — it’s what feminism was all about. They
could do it if I didn’t wake up every day and realize my four have neutered men. If you go around Washington, D.C. and look
children could potentially exist in an America that is devalued from at who they consider real men, you realize that if those guys were
the one I grew up in. I look at the sacrifices my parents have made ever called on, we’re doomed. You are not at all reflective of that.
in their lives to give me so much; they didn’t ask for anything in When you do your media appearances, you’re fearless, you’re not
return. When I believe to the core of my being that the left really afraid to get in anybody’s face, whether male or female. As such, you
does think it has in its grasp a victory of epic proportions, get the troglodyte label, you get the racist-sexist-bigot-homophobetransforming America into something that our Founders would bigot, whatever, label attached to you. I’m thrilled to see it doesn’t
have deplored, I don’t have the luxury of stopping. I just try to look slow you down. But I’m sure that you’ve seen, the more that you’ve
at this as a marathon and every day wake up and continue running gotten into this, that there are even more challenges to success than
you realized when you started. Now you’re growing, but some days
at a pace I can keep up.
does it feel overwhelming? How do you deal with that in terms of
RUSH: Now your foray is in the culture, but as you’ve said,
but his career was definitely hurt as a result of it.
As long as there’s no infrastructure to pick up a Matthew
Marsden, to hire him, there are very few incentives for them to
come forward. And I don’t recommend that they come forward
unless they have a Jerry Bruckheimer in their life who’s willing to
hire them who happens to be conservative himself. Because I know
who these people are. They are punitive. The leftists in this town
want nothing better than to ruin the lives of conservatives in their
industry who buck the leftist plan.
RUSH: That’s the difference. Our guys don’t want to ruin their
lives at all. We don’t care what they do. We want to work, they
want to work, we don’t care if we work with them on the same set.
They can’t abide our presence — this is getting into a psychological
analysis of why they are that way. It’s not just in Hollywood, it’s
that way everywhere, academia, journalism — speaking of which,
that you’re somehow committing an ethical affront to journalism.
I know you haven’t blown up a truck that wouldn’t otherwise have
blown up, have you? You’ve not edited your footage to have somebody saying something they didn’t say, which is a common practice
on the other side. It’s hilarious to watch you be lectured on this
stuff. It’s great that you don’t cower, either. You see the numbers
of people that do.
BREITBART: I know the left. When James O’Keefe came to
me with the acorn videos, I said, “You are going to be held to a
different standard than the mainstream media.” Notice that “60
Minutes” doesn’t offer transcripts of the full interviews, they truncate time and edit things to make them appear how they want them
to appear. When O’Keefe came to me, I said, “If we are going to
move forward on the acorn thing, you’re going to have to abide by
the double standard. We are going to unleash your acorn edited
tapes with full transcripts and audio so that they can’t claim that
this has been taken out of context.” That’s why acorn went down:
because it had no defense. But a year-and-a-half later, I’m absolutely
bombarded by the organized left’s attempt to claim that they were
“selectively edited,” and somehow the misbehavior is mitigated if
you were to actually see the full footage. It’s a blatant lie. It’s the Big
Lie. It’s a lie repeated over and over to the point it becomes true. It’s
what the mainstream media does so well.
RUSH: Yeah, but it’s a badge of honor. You’re always going to
have the evidence on your side, because you’re not playing games
with it. And you’ve got plenty of outlets to demonstrate what you’re
reading a teleprompter; the second is thuggery, organized thuggery,
using these unofficial armies to do his dirty work.
For me it’s now become personal, because I’ve seen how he’s used
his thugs, deploying them to Tea Parties to intimidate the protesters, to intimidate the politicians such as Scott Walker. I think we
can use the term “un-American” when describing the President’s
tactics of trying to split Americans on class lines, using class warfare,
and using union thugs to do his bidding.
RUSH: I don’t think there’s any question about it. You’re dead
on. Well, this has been great. I’m really happy to hear all the
details of your maturation in this. That’s fascinating. And it was
extremely articulate. I really appreciate it, Andrew. And anything
I can do to help —
BREITBART: You’ve done more than your fair share to help me.
I can’t thank you enough.
RUSH: Well, but look, there are not very many people involved
in this who will not cower and back away at some point. There
really aren’t. It’s a dispiriting thing to me sometimes. Especially
on the elected side. Really, it’s us, Andrew — we’re going to have
to push them; they’re not going to lead anybody. It’s a frustrating
thing, but it’s what it is.
BREITBART: You want to hear an anomaly? During everything,
the one guy who stood behind me: Michael Steele.
RUSH: Really? That’s interesting to hear.
BREITBART: Yeah, he didn’t have to. It really threw me
for a loop.
RUSH: Well, that’s cool.
BREITBART: It’s just a
cool thing. I don’t necessarily
endorse him and he accepted
the false premise of our guilt
on certain politically correct
notions and it angered me to
no end. But when I was under
fire, he stood by me. And I just marked it.
RUSH: Good. I’m happy to hear it, actually, I really am. Well,
you keep on. What you’re doing with the Big sites is unique.
There’s nobody else doing it. As clustered and crowded as media is
today, there are very few who can say they’re doing something that’s
not being done. You can.
BREITBART: What we do at the end of the day, is the gang
tackle. If we see somebody being bullied, like Trig, Palin’s kid, I go:
“Sic ’em.” And I say, “Make sure there isn’t an ounce of meat left on
their bones when you’re done.” That is my business model: I hate
bullies. I’ve always hated them, and I’ve told my sons, “Okay, I’m
not looking for you to get into a fight, but if you see a bully picking
on a little kid, you get in their face and you tell them to stop. And
if it comes to blows, I will defend you.”
RUSH: Excellent. Bullies are cowards at the end of the day
BREITBART: That is my business model. I consider acorn to
be bullies, I consider these professors to be bullies, I consider David
Geffen, Ari Emanuel, all these Hollywood people, they’re bullies,
they’re elitist, they take my lovely 7 o’clock reservations and make
me sit near the wait station at 9 o’clock. It’s personal.
RUSH: That’s a great way to wrap it. Andrew, thanks a
whole bunch.
BREITBART: Thanks, Rush.
by the way, that’s your next website, right? Big Education? When
are you going to launch that?
BREITBART: Yes, by the school year. I hope there are more
whistleblowers in classes. Such as: a kid from Wash U. took a course
at University of Missouri at St. Louis called “Introduction to Labor
Studies.” They filmed the course, and he distributed the video to
activists in the St. Louis area that I’m associated with. We ended
up seeing some of the footage — it showed them in full-throttle
indoctrination of the children into communism. They described
militant activities in the pursuit of negotiations with management.
One professor talked about how it’s very difficult to strike against
a power plant. But she gave an example of a friend in Peru who
unleashed a bag of cats into a power plant. The cats ended up
getting electrocuted and causing mass power outages. This was
framed as an effective strategy to intimidate or cause disruptions of
a company. And this is being presented as an academic course at the
University of Missouri, St. Louis and at the University of Missouri
at Kansas City. The institution is standing by the two professors,
though this is blatant indoctrination, blatant Republican-bashing,
and teaching the kids the joys of intimidating executives, the joys of
killing kitty cats, in order to cause mass havoc. I think the American
people have every right to expose, candid-camera-style, what’s going
on in America’s institutions.
RUSH: I find it interesting and hilarious the objections you get,
“I see a great awakening of the conservative
and the independent-minded American.”
— Andrew Breitbart
planning your own business’s growth? How do you see the actual
manifestation of this Democratic-media complex being broken into
parts and ultimately dismantled — how do you see that happening?
BREITBART: I see it in the Tea Party; I see it in the underground
Hollywood conservative movement that I’m a central figure in. It’s
a great awakening of the conservative and the independent-minded
American. They’re happening at the exact same time. It’s why I use
the Pied Piper analogy. I grew up in Los Angeles, in a place where
I thought everybody was liberal. I found out in the last ten years
that’s not the case. There are cells of people — conservative actors,
writers, directors, punk rockers, artists with pink hair — who are
deeply conservative, socially conservative, fiscally conservative, were
for the war in Iraq. They just have to keep silent. It’s not 100 to
1 after all — it’s maybe 60 to 40, or 70 to 30; what has changed
within the last ten years is going out there and connecting people.
The same dynamic is happening in the Tea Party, in
that people are starting to find each other. They’re starting to connect with each other. They’re starting to figure
out ways to collectively take on the left’s community
organizing. Our community organizing is ethical community organizing, and we’re going after the nefarious
community organizers. So there’s a great rebirth of conservatism that is manifesting itself because the new media
allows for people to find each other, to figure out ways to
work together.
I believe over a twenty-year period you’re going to see
the benefits of the awakening of the Hollywood conservative. They’re finally going to figure it out. They’re going
to find the billionaires who are frustrated with the culture
and will figure out how to make Pixar-like movies that
reflect the good in our culture, not the nihilism that is
spread abroad and pumped up to the satellites from these
left-wing hacks.
RUSH: That better happen, because the one big difference between the Tea Party people and the Hollywood people
you’re talking about — and I don’t mean this personally because I
don’t even know them, I don’t mean it to be said in a disparaging
way — the Tea Party people are willing to show up and be counted:
“Here I am, I’m Frank Slobodnik, I’m a Tea Party conservative.”
The Hollywood guys will not do it yet. At some point are all of
these people who have clandestine meetings to connect, “Hi, good
to know you’re here,” going to have to go public? Will they have
to be unafraid before you’re going to make any significant progress
out there in reorienting the culture in Hollywood itself? I mean, it’s
great that they’re there, it’s great that they think the way that they
do, but it’s not good that they have to meet secretly so that people
don’t find out about it so they won’t be blackballed.
BREITBART: I used to be unsympathetic to their cause; now
I’m sympathetic to their cause because they are mostly middle class
people who are a mortgage payment away from losing their house
in a very unsecure business. I’ll give you an example of somebody
who stuck his neck out. He’s a very attractive British actor who
gained some fame in the movie “Black Hawk Down.” His name is
Matthew Marsden. He was in every single “Transformer” movie.
When he went to the Council for National Policy, the big conservative get-together in Austin, a left-wing publication put on
the internet that he was there. He was the one person not invited
back to “Transformers IV.” He perseveres, he doesn’t complain,
saying on your own site is 100 percent accurate.
Just a couple of minutes here, but I haven’t asked you about
President Obama and how his presidency is impacting you and
your business, your task, your objectives here. What does four more
years of Obama running this country mean to you?
BREITBART: Well, it would be a boon for my business —
because everything that I’ve accomplished has been in reporting the
stories and the corruption that the mainstream media won’t report
in this Democratic environment that we’re living in right now.
But I care more about my country than the short-term interests
of my business. I’m willing to have a President Palin, a President
Cain, a President West, a President Christie, a President Daniels, in
order to help bring this country back, over having good booming
journalistic times.
I have tried not to make this about Barack Obama, I’ve tried to
tell other people on the right not to make it about President Obama.
This is about the left. When President Obama is no longer the figurehead, another figurehead will pop up. So I’ve tried to make it not
about the President, I’ve tried to make it about his policies. And,
more importantly, his tactics. People thought community organizing
meant helping little old ladies get corned beef hash onto their plates
for dinner. We’ve come to realize it’s the coordinated intimidation
and extortion techniques crafted by public-sector unions, acorn
and organizations like seiu. We realize he has two skill-sets: one is