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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the
Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age
Alexander Fantalkin
Although Greek contacts with the Southern Levant during the Iron
Age have been studied at length, the matter remains controversial
in many aspects. The present study provides an overview of EastWest contacts during the first half of the 1st millennium bc,
suggesting to divide it into five major periods of contact. These
periods, involving a different chronological setting, are
characterized by different ‘total contexts’, heavily shaped by geopolitical dynamics. It is suggested that every period of contacts (or
their absence) requires a different explanation.
For scholars interested in Greek contacts with the Southern
Levant during the Iron Age two developments in the late 7th
century bc are truly remarkable: the establishment of Naukratis
in Egypt and the massive appearance of East Greek pottery on
the eastern shores of the Mediterranean. It is not surprising
therefore that these themes were chosen, inter alia, for the 28th
British Museum Classical Colloquium.1 However, any attempt at
discerning and decoding patterns in the dispersion of East Greek
pottery in the Levant, as well as explaining the Naukratis
phenomenon, requires an understanding of East–West contacts
during the first half of the 1st millennium bc. Such an overview
is undertaken here.
However, since I could not hope in the present format to do
justice to the whole range of issues that preoccupy scholars
dealing with Greeks in the East, I offer instead an extremely
brief synopsis of Greeks in the East during the Iron Age, with
special emphasis on a few thorny issues.
Since I shall concentrate on a number of broad
historical/archaeological issues, it is perhaps prudent to
acknowledge that every generation writes its own history and
that every scholar has a view of the past coloured by his/her
education, experience and environment. I have no pretensions
therefore that my interpretations of East–West contacts will be
taken as the only possible scenario. On the other hand, I hope
that among the pool of potential explanations for the changing
nature of East-West contacts, the model I offer best accounts for
the available evidence.2
From an epistemological point of view, I am on the side of
many who argue that among the three main poles – realism,
positivism and idealism3 – it is usually realism that offers the
most useful point of departure for any archaeological
reconstruction, especially when this realism is combined with a
healthy dose of scepticism and a pinch of imagination.4 And
although I can accept, at least to a certain extent, that in too
many cases ‘there are no facts, only interpretations’, archaeology
does often supply facts. Some facts, such as the presence or
absence of Greek pottery on the eastern shores of the
Mediterranean, matter a great deal. The question remains: what
we are going to do with these facts? But before I embark on the
‘pots and people’ question, I would like to emphasize the
significance of the historical/chronological context – the
backbone of any historical interpretation.
The accumulation of data, an essential beginning, should
lead to contextualization involving the understanding that
different chronological settings may represent different geopolitical dynamics. Ian Morris rightly observes that one of the
major shortcomings of the post-modern trend of emphasising
connectivity and mobility is its timelessness.5 He points out that
many of what he calls first wave studies ‘showing links between
Greek and Near Eastern cultures, often threw together evidence
scattered across centuries, disregarding traditional
chronologies’.6 The recent contribution of Horden and Purcell
takes this approach even further,7 arguing ‘against
interpretations that emphasize radical change and violent
discontinuity in the Mediterranean past’.8 What is offered
instead is a vision of a permanently integrated Mediterranean,
wherein change is constant and ubiquitous, but generally local
in its effects. Such a reconstruction, with its emphasis on
microregions, leaves little room for pivotal turning points in
Mediterranean history, since the assumed connectivity stretches
across extremes of time, by-passing geo-political boundaries and
empires, together with symbolically expressed ideologies of
economic exchange and political domination.9
With mobility as the norm and a permanent feature of
human activity around the Mediterranean shores, we are forced
to ask questions differently. Or, as Emma Blake recently put it,
‘rather than ask, why did people move, one may ask, why did
people stay put in some cases?’10 Heavily affected by current
globalization,11 Horden and Purcell’s vision of the
Mediterranean is already considered by some, and not without
reason, as ‘one of those manifest watersheds in the study of
antiquity’, which will take a generation of historians to digest.12
Indeed, taking into consideration a number of earlier studies in
favour of a permanently connected Mediterranean, one is
tempted to suppose that we are witnessing a paradigm shift.13
What is missing in the portrait of a permanently connected
Mediterranean, however, is the notion of historical/
chronological context. In this regard, Bakhtin’s concept of the
total context of an utterance provides an applicable insight. The
total context relates to the ways in which voices circulate in both
spoken and written dialogues and, according to Bakhtin, is
unrepeatable.14 Even if one repeats the words employed in the
same order, the total context would be always different, if for no
other reason than because the words have already been uttered
And when Horden and Purcell insert the distribution of Late
Bronze Age ox-hide ingots into the model of a permanently
connected Mediterranean, for instance, comparing it
simplistically with the whole spectrum of later metallurgical
distributive systems,16 the ‘total unrepeatable context’ of
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Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 199
particular periods is lost. The problem is not one of comparing
some chronologically distant metallurgical distributive systems.
After all, the merits of the comparative approach are
undeniable.17 Likewise, analogies are appropriate tools and
salient features of any historical/archaeological investigation.
The problem is a deliberate unwillingness to recognize that the
distribution of Late Bronze Age ox-hide ingots should be
understood on its own terms and against the background of Late
Bronze Age geo-political dynamics,18 which are a world apart
from the distributive systems of the Greeks and Romans, let
alone those of medieval Genoa. Or, as Mario Liverani observes,
‘the “Bronze Age”, invented as a classificatory device for tools
and weapons, can still be used as a large historical label,
encompassing similarly structured socioeconomic systems and
quite sharply opposed to the (differently labelled) preceding and
succeeding periods’; (emphasis added – A.F.).19
Although it might be relevant, I am not concerned here with
the long-running debate involving polarising tendencies ‘to see
the past as Same (a primitive version of our present, which
teleologically evolves into it) or as Other (as a remote, alien,
fundamentally different world)’.20 My main concerns are socially
embedded cultural contexts21 and their chronological settings.
Therefore, with regard to metallurgical distributive systems, the
only reliable conclusion that may be deduced from the analogies
scattered across the centuries is, in my view, an
acknowledgment that different distributive systems have existed
in the Mediterranean at different times. However, in order to
understand the forces driving these and other exchange
activities, they must be viewed in their proper chronological/
historical contexts. It is not helpful to gather all the cases of
connectedness and mobility under the same rubric of a
permanently interconnected Mediterranean without
distinguishing between different historical periods.
Indeed, the presence or absence of Greeks in the Eastern
Mediterranean during the Iron Age suggests that there is no
single model that would explain these contacts (or their
absence) through different time periods. Quite the opposite:
judging from the facts on the ground (and there are some),
every subsequent historical period requires a different
explanation, a different narrative.
Greek contact with the eastern Mediterranean during the Iron
Age: stressing the context
The area under discussion runs from the coast east of Cilicia
down to the Sinai Peninsula. The contacts in question may be
divided roughly into five major periods, each involving a
different chronological setting. These settings are characterized
by different ‘total contexts’ heavily shaped by geo-political
First period: a renewal of contact
The first period is characterized by the presence of mainly
Euboean pottery (but also Attic and Atticizing) found in
northern Syria, Phoenicia and northern Israel in the late 10th,
the 9th and the better part of the 8th centuries bc.22 The
assumed Phoenician superiority in virtually everything leaves,
according to many modern scholars, no room for independent
Euboean ventures at such an early date, especially to the East.
When even pure Cypriot ventures are labelled CyproPhoenician,23 it is quite obvious that Euboeans could not
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compete with the advanced Phoenicians, let alone establish a
trading post at Al Mina toward the end of the 9th century bc.
The dominant view among Aegean specialists, although with
notable exceptions, is that the Phoenicians brought Euboean
pottery with them to the East.24
However, the trend during the last decades of pinpointing
the beginning of Phoenician expansion to as early as the
11th/10th centuries bc,25 if not earlier, is based almost entirely on
a handful of presumably historical sources: to a lesser extent on
the so-called ‘Report of Wenamun’26 and to a larger extent on the
biblical accounts regarding the cooperation between Kings
Solomon and Hiram I.27 These sources can no longer be treated
as reliable.28 Furthermore, the low Iron Age chronology,
advanced in Israel nearly a decade ago,29 has enormous
implications for the Aegean world.
First, it leaves no room for Phoenician colonial expansion
before the late 9th–early 8th centuries bc.30 The presence of
imported Phoenician vases in the assemblages at Palaepaphos
Skales31 should not imply the beginning of Phoenician
colonisation of Cyprus before their establishment in Kition at the
late 9th century bc.32 Indeed, judging from available
archaeological evidence, the initial Phoenician expansion
overseas, accompanied by settlements abroad, took place only in
the second half of the 9th century bc; and I refer to the wellknown Phoenician establishment at Kition,33 but also to evidence
from new radiocarbon dating from Carthage34 and Southern
In my view, this expansion may be explained as a result of
pressure from Hazael, the king of Aram Damascus.36 A plethora
of archaeological data accumulated in Israel, such as Hazael’s
inscriptions37 and possible destruction layers, mostly in northern
Israel,38 but also to the south in biblical Gath,39 suggests that
Hazael’s kingdom was one of the most serious players in the
Southern Levant during the second half of the 9th century bc.40
I believe that Susan Frankenstein’s theory,41 that the
Phoenician specialization in trade, accompanied by their
settlements abroad, should not be seen entirely as free-trade
activity, but rather in the context of their functioning as
commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire, is basically
correct. However, judging from the archaeological data
regarding the beginning of Phoenician expansion overseas, this
delicate arrangement, which eventually transformed the
Phoenicians into pan-Mediterranean traders, started in the days
of Hazael, with Phoenicians serving the trade ambitions of Aram
Second, and even more important, the low Syro-Palestinian
chronology provides, finally, an anchor for Aegean ProtoGeometric and Geometric chronologies.43
A minimalist approach to the beginning of Phoenician affairs
in the Mediterranean44 leads, in conjunction with a low
chronology,45 to an emphasis on the principal role played by the
Euboeans in the renewal of contact between East and West,46
culminating in the establishment of Al Mina sometime around
800 bc.47 This, of course, occurred on behalf of local rulers.48 The
same pattern will be observed almost 200 years later, with the
establishment of Naukratis in Egypt. In this regard, Boardman’s
notion that we should consider a trading port at Al Mina as a
modest precursor of Naukratis is rather attractive.49 The Greek
presence in the Eastern Mediterranean at this early period
seems always to be restricted and controlled by local
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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age
authorities.50 Therefore, I strongly disagree with the idea that
accepting a prominent Euboean role in Early Iron Age journeys
to the East makes one Helleno-centrist.51 The Euboeans were
conducting these journeys because they were interested in reestablishing lost contacts with the East.52 It would give to the
ruler of Lefkandi, for example, an enormous advantage
compared to other contemporary Greek rulers.53 For the Greek
side it meant a great deal. For the East, it does not seem to mean
much at all. But for the Greeks it meant the beginning of the
Orientalizing movement, with a minor Phoenician contribution,
but mainly, through the Syrians, as was already suggested long
ago and on many occasions by John Boardman. To this, one
should add the adoption of the Greek alphabet, sometime
around the middle of the 8th century bc.54 All in all, although
the renewal of contact may be attested during the 10th/9th
centuries bc, it certainly intensified during the better part of the
8th century bc at least until the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian
domination over the Southern Levant.
Second period: the Neo-Assyrian domination
Greek contacts with the East were halted by Assyrian expansion;
here we arrive at a second period, the period of Assyrian
domination. The recent understanding of the processes that
took place in the Southern Levant near the end of the 8th and
during the main part of the 7th centuries bc shows
unprecedented involvement of the Assyrian administration in
local affairs. This involvement may be seen in a variety of fields,
such as the annexation of many Levantine kingdoms
accompanied by the transformation of some of them into
Assyrian provinces; population exchanges; re-arrangement of
the borders and intensive construction activity. The latter is
particularly visible in the coastal area, which is dotted with
Assyrian emporia and fortresses.55 One of the most important
Assyrian goals was the supervision of Phoenician trading
activity. In this regard, as I have already stated, Susan
Frankenstein’s theory viewing the Phoenicians as commercial
agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire seems to be basically
correct.56 Concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, it is quite clear
that every aspect of Phoenician commerce was closely overseen
and taxed by Assyrian officials. What we are witnessing here is a
delicate balancing act. On the one hand, the Phoenicians
enjoyed the stability produced by the pax Assyriaca and the
exclusive access to the network of trade-routes and trade-centres
across the Eastern Mediterranean. On the other hand, their
commerce was strictly regulated and taxed.57 The Phoenicians
involved in commercial and colonial activities in the Western
Mediterranean, far from their Assyrian masters, doubtless
enjoyed a higher degree of flexibility than their counterparts in
the Eastern Mediterranean. From the point of view of the
present colloquium, however, the most important conclusion is
that, with regard to the southern Levant, this new world-order
left most of the mainland Greeks quite effectively out of the
The single limited point of contact that was left was again Al
Mina, which became a port of trade toward the end of the 8th
and during the 7th centuries bc. But after c. 700 bc, Euboean
imports to the Southern Levant almost disappear. Starting from
Al Mina’s Level 6, it is mainly East Greek pottery that shows up
during the period of Assyrian domination, not Euboean. Besides
it is not yet entirely clear who was responsible for carrying this
pottery to Al Mina. Did it arrive directly from Eastern Greece or
was the Cypriot connection involved? What appears to be quite
clear, however, is that mainland Greece seems to be without
direct connections with the East, starting from the period of the
Neo-Assyrian domination. In fact, excluding Al Mina, while even
at this site there is a clear structural break between Levels 7 and
6, Greek pottery (except for a few insignificant cases) is almost
non-existent in the Neo-Assyrian contexts.58 This contrasts with
a much broader distribution prior to the Neo-Assyrian
domination and, especially, immediately after its collapse.
Lanfranchi’s recent speculations regarding Greek contact
with the Neo-Assyrian Empire,59 which are based,
archaeologically, almost exclusively on Haider’s earlier study,60
will find no echo in the archaeological realities of the Southern
Levant. Dependent as they are on mistaken representations and
understandings of the archaeological data involved,61
Lanfranchi’s historical implications, according to which
Assyrians favoured Greeks over Phoenicians in commercial and
settlement activities in the southern Levant,62 can confidently be
rejected. Similar confusion regarding the Greek pottery in the
Southern Levant appears in Rollinger’s recent attempt to draw a
picture of Greek contacts with the East during Neo-Assyrian
period.63 Likewise, his suggestion that we consider the
individuals mentioned in the Near-Eastern texts as Iaman +
suffixes other than ¯aya as possible Greeks acting in the midst of
the Neo-Assyrian Empire, seems to reside on rather shaky
Both archaeological and historical data suggest that during
the Neo-Assyrian regime the Greeks occupied a marginal space
in the Mesopotamian understanding of the universe. Bearing in
mind the Neo-Assyrian imperial ideology, with its pretensions of
ruling a universal domain,64 such a role for Greeks is
understandable. Located in the ‘midst of the sea’,65 where the
Neo-Assyrian regime was not able to insert them physically into
the ‘correct relationship’ with the imperial new-world order,
Greeks were reduced to the status of ‘disparate, remote people
living on the edge of the world’66 in the Neo-Assyrian mappa
The Phoenicians apparently were chosen to serve as
commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian empire not because
they were natural-born traders,67 although their expertise
should not be underestimated, but because the Neo-Assyrian
regime was able to control their trade, which was not without
benefits for both sides. Given this state of affairs, I tend to agree
with Helm’s suggestion that, for the Greek side, ‘the imperial
obligations imposed on permanent residents in Assyrian
provinces made life in the Levant unattractive’.68 Indeed, as
Helm pointed out more than 25 years ago:
Even in the few nominally independent port cities such as Arvad,
Tyre, Ashkelon and Gaza it is likely that Greek traders would have
encountered Assyrian administrators, commercial regulations and
economic institutions. It was doubtless these contacts, and the
contacts with other representatives of Assyrian provincial
government, which gave visiting Greeks the not inaccurate
impression that the entire east Mediterranean coast comprised
The unprecedented involvement of the Neo-Assyrian
administration in the local affairs of the Southern Levant (see
above), attested both historically and archaeologically, is
certainly in accord with Helm’s suggestions. In this regard,
Amélie Kuhrt’s rather sceptical look at the evidence for direct
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Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 201
contact between Greece and the Mesopotamian empires is
particularly revealing.70 Although, as in the earlier periods, the
Greeks definitely continued to meet Easterners, this time these
were mostly Phoenician competitors. And these are indeed the
Homeric Phoenicians.71
The nature of direct contact between the Greeks and the
Near East during the second period in my provisional scheme
suggests therefore the beginning of a ‘Great Divide’ rather than
Burkert’s Orientalizing revolution.72
It should be explicitly stated, however, that the concept of a
Great Divide does not imply an immediate break in contacts. It is
better described as a gradual process, starting with Tiglathpileser III’s annexation of the kingdom of Unqi/Patina in
738/737 bc. If Zadok’s identification of Al Mina as A∆tâ in
Tiglath-pileser’s inscription on the Iran stele is correct,73 this
might indicate that right after the annexation of Unqi, an
Assyrian emporium was installed at Al Mina,74 in order to
regulate and incorporate the existing Greek enclave into the
sphere of the Neo-Assyrian realm. Already at that time, a letter
from Calah (Nimrud)(ND 2370), sent most probably to Tiglathpileser III by Qurdi-Aššur-la
¯mur, points to a possible Ionian raid
on the Phoenician coast.75 To this one may add a reference to the
town of Yauna, mentioned in a Neo-Assyrian letter (ND 2737)
published a few years ago by Saggs.76 The letter contains no
firmly dateable details. However, the themes discussed and the
arenas of operation seem to be echoed in the letters of QurdiAššur-la
¯mur, who was probably the governor of S.imirra in the
time of Tiglath-pileser III.77 In this regard, Na’aman’s suggestion
that we identify the town of Yauna with Ras el-Bassit,78 would, if
accepted, point to a possible Greek presence at this site at that
time. Hereafter, however, the handful of Neo-Assyrian sources
that mention Ionians, mostly in hostile contexts,79 when
combined with an almost total lack of Greek pottery in the NeoAssyrian assemblages (see above), leave little doubt about an
intensification of the Great Divide.
Third period: stressing the significance of the late 7th-century BC
contact, during a brief period of Egyptian domination
The next period, although chronologically brief, is the most
important for the purposes of the present colloquium. I refer to
some 20–25 years of Egyptian rule in the Southern Levant,
following the Assyrian withdrawal. When the Assyrians pulled
out from the Levant sometime in the twenties of the 7th century
bc,80 the Egyptians took over their territories and ruled until the
Babylonian invasion. This period, the third in my provisional
schema of the Greek presence in the Levant, lasted until the
Babylonian destructions at the end of the 7th and in the early
6th centuries bc.
The sudden and massive appearance of East Greek pottery
on the coastal plain of Israel toward the end of the 7th century
bc 81 and its subsequent disappearance after only a few years fit
the time-span during which the area fell under Egyptian rule.82
Following Nadav Na’aman’s insightful observations, I have
elsewhere discussed at length the East Greek pottery
assemblages found in places such as Ashkelon, and the
fortresses of Mez.ad H.ashavyahu and Kabri, arguing that these
represent Greek mercenaries in the employ of the Egyptians.83 In
this reconstruction, the placement of these garrisons along the
coast together with the employment of Kittim along the
southern fringe of the kingdom of Judah, conformed to two
202 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt
Egyptian goals: first, to protect the coastal plain – the main route
to the North; and second, to protect the Arabian trade networks,
which the Egyptians inherited from the Assyrians.84 The modest
finds of East Greek pottery in the vicinity of major military
bases85 probably reflect Greek mercenary activities in these areas
rather than pottery trade.
Many scholars, however, have claimed that the abundance
of East Greek pottery should be taken as evidence of East Greek
trade.86 In these reconstructions even the coarse East Greek
cooking pots are considered a tradable commodity to the East.87
In my view, most of these reconstructions are untenable. The
attested distribution and the nature of East Greek finds in the
region of Palestine are insufficient to prove either the existence
of a developed pottery trade88 or the existence of a directional
exchange of other goods that may be less visible in the
archaeological record.89
An additional point that argues in favour of East Greek
mercenary garrisons rather than trading emporia is the
restriction of East Greek trade to Naukratis in Egypt.90 It must be
remembered that the establishment of Naukratis toward the end
of the 7th century bc overlaps with the appearance of East Greek
pottery on the Israeli coast. There is hardly any doubt that the
entire coastal plain up to Phoenicia should be considered
Egyptian domain.91 In these circumstances it is reasonable to
assume that Egyptians would not have allowed the uncontrolled
establishment of East Greek emporia on the Southern Levantine
coast, just as they did not allow it in Egypt itself. While Phoenicia
proper and the areas to the north might have enjoyed East Greek
trade during the Egyptian interlude,92 the evidence collected so
far from the southern part of the Eastern Mediterranean points
mainly to East Greek mercenary activity.93
The sudden appearance of Greek mercenaries in the East
and their employment by the different Near Eastern Powers
continues to be a subject of debate.94 In my opinion, both
historical and archaeological evidence suggests that the
presence of Greek mercenaries in the region should be
explained as an organized movement orchestrated by a central
Egyptian authority. These Greeks were not individual
mercenary adventurers but were formally garrisoned.95 I cannot
accept the ideas expressed by several scholars that East Greek
assemblages point to individual adventurers or small groups of
Greek mercenaries96 pursuing Homeric honour and glory.97 I
dealt with this issue in detail a few years ago,98 and I intend to
expand the discussion elsewhere. Likewise, today I am even
more convinced that attempts to attribute the employment of
Greek mercenaries to Egyptian vassals, be it the kingdom of
Judah or the kingdom of Tyre, should be abandoned.
Most recently, however, Wenning99 defended his date for the
establishment of Mez.ad H.ashavyahu between 600 and 598 bc,
under the reign of King Jehoiakim.100 This is in contrast to
Na’aman’s suggestion that the fortress of Mez.ad H.ashavyahu
was abandoned in 604 bc, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar II
launched a campaign to the Philistine Coast and destroyed
Ashkelon.101 In my opinion, however, Na’aman’s scenario
remains the most plausible option. Moreover, I hope I was able
to demonstrate that since the abandonment pattern attested at
Mez.ad H.ashavyahu points to a ‘planned abandonment without
anticipated return’,102 it fits nicely with the assumption that this
Egyptian fortress was intentionally abandoned in face of the
approaching Babylonian army.103
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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age
The historical improbability of Wenning’s scenario, on the
other hand, which attributes the employment of Greek
mercenaries to Jehoiakim, who was an Egyptian vassal, has
already been demonstrated104 and there is no need to revisit it
here. Likewise, from a strictly archaeological point of view,
Wenning’s entire case rests on the presence of a single pottery
sherd he attributes to the North Ionian Late Wild Goat style.
Even if we assume that the sherd has been identified correctly,
Wenning’s belief that it cannot be earlier than 600 bc is
untenable. The East Greek pottery chronology for this period,
with its approximate dates, rests on synchronisms with
Palestinian destruction levels and on synchronisms with
Corinthian and Attic pottery.105 It is simply impossible to assume
such precision (+/– 4 years, which is the difference between
Wenning and myself!) in dating this North Ionian East Greek
sherd. In terms of absolute chronology, both the East Greek
pottery and the local pottery from Mez.ad H.ashavyahu may be
placed either in the late 7th or in the early 6th centuries bc.106
Therefore one must consider the broader historical situation.
In support of his thesis, Wenning cites Niemeier’s response
to my treatment of the finds from Mez.ad H.ashavyahu.
Niemeier’s critique, however, is confused. First he concurs with
Wenning that ‘Mez.ad H.ashavyahu was erected by King
Jehoiakim during the brief period of possible Judahite
autonomy after 600 bc and was abandoned when
Nebuchadnezzar II attacked Judah in 598/97 bc’.107 On the next
page, however, he contradicts himself, claiming that the pottery
assemblage at Mez.ad H.ashavyahu may be interpreted ‘as
evidence that Greek mercenaries were in the service of Egypt at
the site, since the Egyptian army was the only army in which
large units of Greeks served’.108
The main issue in Niemeier’s reply, however, is to reject my
suggestion to attribute the presence of the Greek garrison at Tel
Kabri to the Egyptian administration, since, according to
Niemeier, these Greek mercenaries were in the pay of Tyre.
Niemeier’s conclusions are based on two assumptions: first, that
after Assyrian withdrawal Tel Kabri belonged to Tyre; and
second that the small proportion of Greek pottery found at the
site points to individual soldiers of fortune pursuing Homeric
values. Even if the first assumption is true, it would simply imply
that the kingdom of Tyre, like the kingdom of Judah, was
required to provide supplies to Egypt’s East Greek mercenaries.
Likewise, Niemeier’s second assumption is hardly defensible.
The proportions may be misleading, since only a small portion
of the Late Iron Age fortress at Tell Kabri was excavated.109
Besides, it is not necessary to deduce that a small proportion of
Greek pottery should represent individual adventurers on behalf
of Tyre rather than a small contingent stationed by the
All in all, it appears from the archaeological record that
dependent local powers were obliged to provide supplies to
Greek mercenary units, and to cooperate with these Egyptian
representatives in every possible way.110 The rationale behind the
establishing of the fortresses at Mez.ad H.ashavyahu and Tell
Kabri is logistical. These and, most probably additional hitherto
undetected fortresses, served as focal points for collecting
supplies for Egyptian troops on their way to the Lebanese coast
and northern Syria and, no less important, on their way back to
Egypt.111 More important, places like Mez.ad H.ashavyahu, where
East Greek mercenaries co-existed with Judahites, definitely
offered points of direct contact, and provided channels of
cultural exchange through which certain Greek ideas penetrated
into Judahite texts and vice versa.112 But the employment of East
Greek mercenaries was an Egyptian prerogative, not Judahite or
Tyrian. And this is where we find the Lydian connection.
The crucial role played by the Lydians with regard to the
thousands of Ionian and Carian mercenaries hired by
Psammetichos I emerges from the Rassam Cylinder, in which
Gyges, King of Lydia, is accused by Ashurbanipal of having sent
his army to the aid of Psammetichos I.113 It appears that the first
Mermnad ruler might have imprudently challenged the
Assyrians during the reign of one of the most powerful Assyrian
kings. In my view, Lydian imperial policy triggered a sudden
explosion of East Greek activity in different directions.
Space constraints prevent me from addressing this issue at
proper length but I intend to do so elsewhere. I think, however,
that there are good reasons to suspect that, contrary to scholarly
consensus, which connects the dispersion of Ionians abroad
with an aggressive Lydian and later Persian policy toward the
Ionian cities,114 it is cooperation rather than confrontation that
we are witnessing here. In the East, via Egyptian connections,
Lydian imperial ambitions opened the way to Greek mercenary
penetration, followed by the establishment of Naukratis. In the
North, it opened the way to the Ionian colonization of the Black
Sea, which, I believe, is better explained in the context of rising
Lydian imperialism. The role that East Greeks played on behalf
of Lydian domination is much the same as that played by the
Phoenicians on behalf of the Assyrians.
The negative view suggested by Herodotus’ remarks
regarding Ionian enslavement, first by the Lydians and later by
the Persians (Hdt.1.6; 1.169), is somewhat misleading, since,
archaeologically, these are the most prosperous periods in East
Greece, at least until the Ionian revolt. This is quite contrary to
the situation observed during the period of Athenian
domination.115 Besides, there is little doubt that Herodotus’
biased account on this issue, addressed mainly to a mid-/late
5th-century-bc Athenian audience,116 reflects the realities and
perceptions of the time of his writing, rather than genuine states
of affairs in earlier periods.
Summarizing the third period in my provisional schema, I
wish to emphasize that from the second half of the 7th century
bc, East Greece, via Lydian mediation, rediscovered Egypt and
then, during a brief period of Egyptian expansion toward the
end of that century, the rest of the Eastern Mediterranean. But it
is East Greece that was involved in both mercenary and trade
activity in the Eastern Mediterranean. For mainland Greece the
Great Divide was still there. Even in the later period, during the
reign of Amasis, when we hear of an Aiginetan presence in
Naukratis, the Aiginetans, being the sole representatives of a
broadly taken mainland Greece, ‘did set up separately a temenos
of Zeus on their own initiative’.117
What can we learn from the fact that the Aiginetans were
excluded from the Hellenion, which was established by Ionians,
Dorians and Aeolians in a very unusual act of early Greekness?
Is it possible that the common denominator behind the mixture
of the poleis that participated in the establishment of the
Hellenion has more to do with the fact that all of them were
located in East Greece? Whereas for the Samians and Milesians,
who also kept their temene separately, a good case can be made
that their presence in Naukratis goes back to the late 7th century
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Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 203
bc, it would be hard to postulate the same for the Aiginetans.
Perhaps what we are witnessing here is not an all-embracing
pan-Hellenism118 but rather the crystallization of an East Greek
identity, dictated by geography?
Fourth period: the Neo-Babylonian Empire
The Neo-Babylonian period is characterized by a total lack of
Greek material in the southern part of the Eastern
Mediterranean.119 During the major part of the 6th century bc,
the period of greatest prosperity at Naukratis, this part of the
Levant, except for a few inland areas, is in ruins, chiefly serving
as a buffer zone with Egypt.120 In the northern part of the
Eastern Mediterranean, there is a settlement gap at the site of Al
Mina. However, a good quantity of 6th century East Greek
pottery found at Tell Sukas suggests that it may have served as a
point of contact. This notion, however, should be accepted only
with hesitation, since it is possible that the majority of East
Greek material can be dated to the last two decades of the 7th
century bc/very early 6th century bc, implying that the main
phase of the Greek presence at Tell Sukas may have started
during the period of Egyptian political domination, slihgtly
overlapping with the beginning of the Neo-Babylonian rule.
After a certain gap in the settlement’s history during the better
part of the Neo-Babylonian period, the next phase of the Greek
presence at Tell Sukas may be pushed into the last third of the
6th century bc,121 implying that it should be viewed mainly as the
result of Persian rule and not necessarily Neo-Babylonian. This
issue, however, deserves additional study.122
Fifth period: the beginning of Persian domination
The fifth and final period in my short overview begins with the
end of Babylonian and the beginning of Persian rule during the
last third of the 6th century bc. A significant difference (that
finds expression in the pottery repertoire) must be noted
between East Greek assemblages from the end of the 7th century
bc and the renewal of East Greek imports observed toward the
end of the 6th and during the 5th centuries bc, which may point
to commercial activity. This time, unlike in the earlier period,
there is an abundance of amphorae made in Chios and Samos
(but other localities are also represented) as well as banded
bowls. The distribution is considerably wider than during the
third period.123 During the 5th century bc, East Greek pottery is
gradually replaced by Attic imports. Properly appreciating the
nuances of the Persian period, however, would require a
separate study well beyond the scope of the present endeavour.
Greeks and the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age:
some final observations
Nowadays, no scholar would even imagine reconstructing the
history of Greece without considering oriental influences. And,
to my mind, the only way to understand the genesis of Greek
civilization is by putting it into a broad geo-political context: it is
the western periphery of the East. However, I also think that
making everything that has emerged on Greek soil ‘a gift from
the East’ simply misses the point. If, as many modern scholars
want us to believe, the impact of Eastern civilizations and
influences was so total and tremendous, how and why did the
ancient Greeks manage to produce the idea of the polis, a
community of equal, local-born men, which stands in total
opposition to everything which the East symbolizes?124
204 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt
Obviously, something has gone wrong.
In my view, it is striking to realize that after the lively traffic
and renewal of contact during the late 10th, the 9th and,
especially, the better part of the 8th centuries bc,125 mainland
Greece, on the whole, seems to be without direct connections
with the Eastern Mediterranean from the end of the 8th–early
7th centuries bc until perhaps the Persian period. The
Orientalizing period in Greek history turns out to be the period
of the Greeks’ exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu, the main
source of cultural borrowing in the preceding centuries.
But what does it mean? Does it imply viewing one of the
most important developments in Greek history, the late 8th
century bc ‘structural revolution’,126 as essentially untouched by
external influences? I think it requires quite the opposite. Just as
the quest for the origins of European identity in the Minoan and
Mycenaean civilizations appears to be the fruit of Eurocentric
imagination,127 the lengthy disengagement between mainland
Greece and the Near East, triggered by the Neo-Assyrian
expansion, need not imply that the rise of Greek polis culture
occurred in total isolation from Near Eastern influences. In any
case, we are better off de-familiarizing ourselves with the past
that we study,128 throwing away an endless search for the
imaginary, pristine origins of the different civilizations
connecting remote antiquity to the present.129 Concerning the
‘East–West’ question, we are best off treating the history of both
sides as one.130
Although in many cases it is hard to pinpoint all possible
channels of transmission, it is clear that even after what I have
called the Great Divide, Eastern influences continued to
penetrate into Greece through numerous channels: through the
interaction with the Phoenicians (gradually changing from
friendly to hostile),131 through Ionian craftsmen,132 etc. But the
general path of development witnessed in many parts of the
Greece from the end of the 8th century bc and later yielded
something quite different from that found among the Near
Eastern cultures,133 including the Phoenicians.134 As a matter of
fact, the difference is tremendous.135 Ian Morris captures it
brilliantly, comparing the main messages behind Hesiod and
prophetic literature: ‘whereas Hesiod’s instructions call for the
basilees to share power with the geitones, the prophets want the
kings of Judah and Israel to reform the priesthood’.136
In the same vein, Susan and Andrew Sherratt have observed
that by the 7th century bc ‘many forms of east Mediterranean
goods seem to have been bypassing the Aegean, although
turning up in some numbers further west; and it seems likely
that some degree of ‘import restriction and substitution’ (along
with other forms of cultural resistance) was taking place. At the
same time, by the later part of the 8th century, evidence of a
growing panhellenic consciousness in Greece itself, defined
specifically in relation to a Phoenician ‘other’, combined with
the rush to found overtly political colonies in the west, marks the
initial conception of the two distinct ideological, cultural and
politico-economic spheres which were to dominate Greek
relations with the east for millennia to come.’137
Although it might be tempting to resurrect an unpopular
notion of binarism, the simplistic concept of ‘West against the
East’ offers little more than a dead end. Likewise, at least in our
case, postcolonialism, and its constant obsession with hybridity,
creolization and resistance, does not necessarily provide a better
perspective. It might be more helpful in the case of the Western
© The British Museum
Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age
Mediterranean, although even there it too often serves modern
political agendas rather than unbiased historical interpretations.
Our case is Janus-faced: on the one hand, at least until the
beginning of the Persian Empire, the great powers of the Near
East show little interest in Greek affairs; on the other hand, even
in the periods of Greek exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu,
the challenges posed by the older civilizations, and a variety of
Greek responses to these challenges, continue to be among the
central factors in shaping Greek identities. In many ways these
influences were turned inward, negotiated among the Greeks
themselves as they attempted to make sense of the East. In this
regard, the concept of ‘negotiated peripherality’, developed by
Nick Kardulias138 and adopted by Ian Morris for Iron Age
Greece,139 is especially helpful. Morris argues for a nuanced and
chronologically sensitive approach that takes into consideration
a plethora of Greek responses to Near Eastern challenges. In his
reconstruction the ‘totality of context’ is prominent, since
chronologically different geo-political configurations yielded
distinct Greek responses.140 Morris also convincingly shows that
these responses, triggered by the renewal of contact with the
East, varied significantly among different Greek communities:
some struggled to preserve the model of isolation, while others
embraced the East. The basic premises of Morris’ approach are
reasonable. Nevertheless, in view of the low chronology in
Israel, they need to be modified in a way that emphasises
Euboean agency in the initial establishment of contact, rather
than Phoenician (see above). And Morris also fails to recognize,
like so many others, the significance for Greeks of the Great
The Mediterranean was indeed, as Morris suggests, ‘a
smaller place in 700 than it had been in 800’.141 However, despite
the assumed ‘collapse of distance’ (due to the technical advances
in shipbuilding), the Great Divide resulted in the gradual
exclusion of mainland Greece from the Near Eastern koine and
paved the way for a re-negotiation of Greek peripherality.
I cannot discuss here all the possible consequences of the
geo-political disengagement between mainland Greece and the
Near East after the Neo-Assyrian expansion. As a telling
example, however, one may consider the widespread
appearance of domestic ‘Hero and tomb cults’ in late 8th century
bc mainland Greece. Indeed, even if the initial occurrences of
‘tomb cults’ may be projected into the Proto-geometric period,142
it doubtless remains a salient feature of the Late Geometric
period.143 One is tempted to ask therefore, what are the reasons
for such a sudden obsession with ancestors and local heroes?
How does it happen that only toward the end of the 8th century
bc, Greeks everywhere begin to rediscover and admire their
local past, attaching themselves to mythical ancestors and
heroes? Many of the wide variety of explanations already
offered have merit,144 but the concept of a Great Divide, as
suggested here, may provide an additional, explanatory
background for the sudden emergence of an active quest for
local roots. Once again, it is a diversity of inwardly focused
Greek responses – this time to the exclusion from the Near
Eastern koine – that we are witnessing. It is worth mentioning
that unlike what will emerge as a poleis zone, with its Eastern
influences and abundant orientalia, the ethne, which were never
truly involved in dialogue with the East, showed no interest in
hero and tomb cults in the periods discussed.145
In my opinion, it is plausible to suggest that establishing ties
with a remote heroic past rather than with the East should be
viewed as one of the main outcomes of the Great Divide.
Furthermore, it is not at all improbable that the rise of what
Morris calls the ‘middling ideology’ in Archaic Greece,146
culminating eventually in Athenian democracy, should be seen
and explained against the background of this Great Divide.147 To
a certain extent, this might be a real ‘Near Eastern gift’
contributing in the most important way to the rise of the Greek
polis and its institutions. If things had turned out differently and,
as in previous periods, the elites of mainland Greece had
maintained their links with the East, the ‘middling ideology’
would not necessarily have won. However, given that the
Assyrians seem not to have had any interest in establishing
direct control over remote Greece, a Great Divide was very
nearly inevitable.148
I want to conclude by pointing out that from the end of the
8th century bc until the Persian period the ‘mainland Greeks’
are barely if at all attested in the Near East. East Greece, the
main mediator between East and West, is another story. But to
my mind, at least during the Archaic period, it should be
considered more a part of the East than a part of the West. East
Greeks fully experienced this dual status. Physically they lived in
the East, and were part of the Eastern milieu. But, in part
because of proximity they had constant contact with their
mother country and this and only this prevented East Greeks
from losing their ethnic and cultural identity altogether. This
was otherwise a very real possibility: we need only recall the
complete assimilation of the Philistines, who, in a much earlier
period, penetrated too deeply into the Levant.
I am grateful to Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing for their
kind invitation to attend the 28th British Museum Classical
Colloquium ‘The Naukratis Phenomenon: Greek Diversity in Egypt’.
Likewise, I wish to express my gratitude to numerous scholars who
have offered valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper,
including John Boardman, Margalit Finkelberg, Israel Finkelstein,
Baruch Halpern, Peter James, Amélie Kuhrt, Irad Malkin, James
Muhly, Benjamin Sass, Oren Tal, Alexandra Villing, Ran Zadok and
especially Ephraim Lytle. Obviously, the responsibility for the views
expressed henceforth rests with me alone.
In Lipton’s (2004) famous treatment of the ‘Inference to the Best
Explanation’, this kind of explanation may be considered as the
‘likeliest’ and the ‘loveliest’.
Trigger 1998.
Joffee 2003, 82.
Morris 2003, 42.
See, e.g., Bernal 1987, 1991, 2001; S. Morris 1992; Burkert 1992, 2004;
Faraone 1992; West 1999.
Horden and Purcell 2000; see also Purcell 2003; Horden 2005;
Horden and Purcell 2005.
Horden and Purcell 2000, 5.
Cf. Algazi 2005, 230.
Blake 2004, 240.
Morris 2003; Morris and Manning 2005, 20-1.
Shaw 2001, 453.
See, e.g., Shaw 2001; Morris 2003; Malkin 2003a, 2004; and see
papers in Blake and Knapp 2005.
Bakhtin 1981, 275-85; 1986, 75, 105.
Morson and Emerson 1990, 125-7; Joyce 2002, 29-34.
Horden and Purcell 2000, 347-8.
Kocka 2003.
Cf. Kolb 2004, 579-86.
Liverani 2005a, 48.
Moreland 2000, 2, emphasis in original.
Cf. Boggs 2004.
A number of studies offer useful summaries regarding the earliest
Iron Age finds of Greek pottery in the Eastern Mediterranean: e.g.,
© The British Museum
Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 205
Boardman 1990a, 1999a; Waldbaum 1994; Haider 1996; Sørensen
1997; Crielaard 1999; Coldstream 1998a, 2000; Luke 2003. For the
most recent finds from Tel Rehov, see Coldstream and Mazar 2003;
Mazar 2004.
For the demolition of a long-standing scholarly consensus that the
dispersion of Cypriot Black-on-Red pottery in the Aegean should be
connected with a Phoenician monopoly of commercial networks, see
Schreiber 2003, passim, esp. 312.
See Helm 1980, 95; Graham 1986; S. Morris 1992, 127, 141; Perreault
1993; Papadopoulos 1997; Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; Markoe
2000, 174; Sherratt 2003, 229-30; and contra Boardman 2002a,
2002b; Lemos 2001, 2003; Luke 2003.
See Negbi 1992; Aubet 2000; Niemeyer 2000, 2004.
For ‘Report of Wenamun’ as a piece of literature rather than
historical account, see Helck 1986; Baines 1999; Schipper 2005; for
the date of composition, see Sass 2002, with further references.
For the numerous supporters of Phoenician domination in the
Mediterranean already at the beginning of the Iron Age it may
perhaps come as some surprise to discover that the biblical testimony
regarding the cooperation between Kings Solomon and Hiram I does
not reflect the realities of the 10th century bc, a fact that has been
recognized for some time. The literature on the subject is enormous;
see e.g. Knauf 1991; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001, 2006, with
further references.
Needless to say that the same holds true regarding the Classical
literary tradition, which suggests that the foundation of Cadiz, Utica
and Lixus took place at the turn of the 12th/11th centuries bc.
After Finkelstein 1995a, 1996, 1999. Whether or not to accept
Finkelstein’s low chronology is still a subject of ongoing discussion,
mainly among Syro-Palestinian archaeologists. The literature is
extensive and I do not intend to summarize the history of the
question here. But judging from the most recent publications, the socalled conventional Palestinian chronology, with a huge United
Monarchy of Kings David and Solomon as well as early Phoenician
expansion in the days of Hiram I is, at least to my mind, doomed.
Fantalkin (forthcoming a). That is not to deny the existence of some
meagre pre-colonial contacts with places like Cyprus, and see Gilboa
Bikai 1983.
Iacovou 2005. In any event, in terms of absolute chronology, the
beginning of Bikai’s Kouklia horizon (1987, 68-9) should certainly be
down-dated (Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003).
Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis 1977, 7; Yon 1997.
Docter et al. 2005; Nijboer 2005, with further references.
Aubet 2001, 372-81; Torres Ortiz 1998, 2005. The recent suggestion by
Nijboer and Van der Plicht (2006), that the beginning of Phoenician
settlement activity abroad may be pinpointed to the first half of the
9th century bc, if not before, is barely defensible, as it is based on a
few 14C dates obtained from a secondary mixed deposit at Huelva
(south-west Spain).
For detailed accounts of Hazael’s realm, see Na’aman 1995a; Dion
1997, 191-204; Yamada 2000, 310-20; Hafthorsson 2006.
See Biran and Naveh 1993, 1995; Na’aman 2000; Irvine 2005.
See Na’aman 2000; Coldstream and Mazar 2003; Finkelstein 2004.
Maeir 2004.
Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 30-2.
Frankenstein 1979.
Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 31.
Fantalkin 2001a; Coldstream 2003. The most recent suggestion that
the Proto-Geometric period should start c. 1100 bc, if not earlier
(Newton et al. 2005a, 2005b), is impossible to sustain. Such a drastic
upward chronological revision for the Proto-Geometric period,
based on the data from Assiros, is unacceptable as it stands against
all other data collected in the southern Levant. Besides, the ProtoGeometric amphora in question is not necessarily correctly identified
and may belong typologically to Submycenaean or even Late
Helladic IIIC (cf. Muhly 2003, 28). Likewise, the old wood affect may
be responsible for the high dendrochronological dates from Assiros
(Finkelstein and Piasetzky [forthcoming]).
Following Muhly’s original suggestion from 1985 (unlike Muhly
See Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003; Boaretto et al. 2005; Finkelstein
and Piasetzky 2003a, 2003b, (forthcoming); Sass 2005.
Cf. Coldstream 1998a. Although I tend to agree with Boardman
(1999c, 42) that ‘the question of “who was first?”… seems quite
meaningless, indeed almost childish’, it has never disappeared from
206 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt
view and remains the subject of continuous controversy.
47 As anything connected to this site (cf. Boardman 1999b, 2002a,
2002b), the foundation date of Al Mina is a matter of controversy. In
my view, the earliest possible dates suggested by Kearsley (1995) and
Descœudres (2002, 50-1) are certainly too low and should be rejected
(Fantalkin 2001a, 121; [forthcoming a]).
48 In the case of Al Mina, this should be the kingdom of Unqi/Patina, at
least until its incorporation into the Neo-Assyrian system in 738 bc
(Harrison 2001; Luke 2003, 21, 36).
49 Boardman 2002a, 328.
50 Möller 2000a, 203-8; Fantalkin 2001b, 137-46. A few authors have
expressed the view that Strabo’s account (17.1.18) of the Milesian
arrival at Naukratis, accompanied by the foundation of the Milesian
fort, should be taken literally (Braun 1982, 37-8; Kaplan 2002, 238,
n.27; Petropoulos 2003, 50). This view , however, is hardly
51 As may be deduced, inter alia, from Papadopoulos 1997; Morris and
Papadopoulos 1998; Markoe 2000, 174; Sherrat 2003, 229-30;
Niemeyer 2004.
52 Luke 2003, 59, with further references.
53 For a useful model, although from a later period, see Spencer 2000;
he argues that the polis of Archaic Mytilene differed considerably
from its counterparts on the isle of Lesbos, due to Mytilene’s
deliberate ‘investment’ in international activities rather than in more
traditional avenues for the expression of power (such as large-scale
constructions). In the case of Lefkandi, however, an unquestionable
desire for interactions abroad was accompanied by unprecedented
(for Greece) large-scale construction.
54 Sass 2005, 133-54. Nowadays, however, especially in light of the
recent upward revision of the Gordion dates (De Vries et al. 2003,
2005; Voigt 2005; but see contra Muscarella 2003; Keenan 2004; and
Sass 2005, 147, n. 239, who questions Muscarella’s conclusions), even
the adoption of the Greek alphabet directly from the Phoenicians is
not necessarily obvious. There are good reasons to suspect that the
Greeks might have adopted the alphabet via Phrygian agency (Sass
2005, 146-52, with extensive bibliography).
55 See Na’aman 1995b, 2001; Gitin 1997; Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz
2001, all with further references.
56 Frankenstein 1979.
57 Cf. Na’aman 1994; Kuhrt 2002a, 22-3; Edelman 2006, 219-23.
58 Jane Waldbaum (1994, 59) summarizes the issue as follows: ‘A
curious gap in the roster of early Greek pottery in Palestine is the
complete lack of Protocorinthian pottery of the late 8th through
most of the 7th centuries, a lack that is nearly matched in Cyprus and
Tel Sukas, but not in Al Mina. Since Protocorinthian is the Greek
trade ware for most of the 7th century bc, it is odd that so little
interest was shown in it – and its contents of perfumed oil – in much
of the Levant.’
59 Lanfranchi 2000.
60 Haider 1996.
61 Thus, for instance, one discovers, amazingly, that in the 8th century
bc at Tell Sukas Greek pottery ‘progressively overwhelms and finally
replaces other foreign (especially Phoenician) items; in the 7th
century its numbers increase to the point that a Greek settlement
may be almost safely envisaged’ (Lanfranchi 2000, 10). And so it goes
on (ibid., 9-11). Judging from the excavation reports of Tell Sukas,
however, one learns that only some 15 possible Greek sherds were
unearthed in the contexts of the late 8th century bc and only a few of
them may be dated to the early 7th century bc (although to my mind
the latter statement remains uncertain). On the other hand, during
the main part of the 7th century bc, i.e. the period of Assyrian
domination, the Greek imports from Tell Sukas are virtually absent
(Ploug 1973, 92-3). The amount of Greek pottery at Tell Sukas
increase impressively only toward the end of the 7th/early 6th
centuries bc, but this development has nothing to do with the NeoAssyrian policies, since it occurred after the collapse of the NeoAssyrian regime.
62 Thus, according to Lanfranchi 2000, 32: ‘… Assyria opposed the
Greeks only on very limited occasions, and was ready to enhance and
encourage their trade, presence and settling after its domination had
definitely consolidated. But more, this happened, as attested by
archaeological data, at the expense of other concurrent traders, like
Cypriotes or Phoenicians: and this should show, instead, that
Assyrians favoured Greeks over others in commercial and settling
activities.’ (emphasis added – A.F.)
63 Rollinger 2001, 249-50, passim.
© The British Museum
Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age
64 Liverani 2005b, 232.
65 For detailed treatment of the Neo-Assyrian written sources,
mentioning, inter alia, the location of Ionia in the ‘midst of the sea’,
see Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001.
66 Kuhrt 2002b, 27.
67 As may be deduced from Coldstream 1998b, 257.
68 Helm 1980, 113.
69 Helm 1980, 112-13.
70 Kuhrt 2002a.
71 Cf. Muhly 1970, 1985; Winter 1995; Sherratt 2005, 35-6.
72 Burkert 1992, 2004, 1-15.
73 Zadok 1996; accepted by Parpola and Porter 2001, 5 and Na’aman
74 Na’aman 2001, 261. For the text, describing the city of A∆tâ as an
‘emporium (b1¯t ka
¯ri) on the seashore, a royal store-house’, see
Tadmor 1994, 104-5, line 13.
75 Parker 2000; Kuhrt 2002a, 18; Na’aman 2004, 70, all with further
76 Saggs 2001, 166-7, pl. 33.
77 I owe this observation to Nadav Na’aman.
78 Na’aman 2004; corroborated, perhaps, by a minor presence of Greek
pottery there, although slight compared to Al Mina.
79 Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001.
80 Na’aman 1991a, 33-41; 1991b; Fantalkin 2001b, 134-5; 2004, 254-5. Or,
perhaps, slightly earlier, and see Vanderhooft 1999, 64-8, with
further references.
81 The reliability of the Archaic Greek chronology has been questioned
on several occasions (e.g., Francis and Vickers 1985; Bowden 1991).
Recent and thorough contributions by James (2003; 2005) suggest
lowering the Archaic Greek chronology of late 7th to early 6th
century bc by roughly three to four decades. However, as for the
earlier periods, the evidence supplied by the Levantine side appears
to be crucial. In fact, the destruction of Ashkelon by Nebuchadnezzar
II in the month of Kislev 604 bc, as reported in the Babylonian
Chronicle (Wiseman 1961, 68-9, 85; Stager 1996, 61*, n. 1) and the
East Greek pottery assemblage exposed in Ashkelon’s destruction
layer (Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Waldbaum 2002a), leaves no
room for any significant lowering of the Archaic Greek chronology.
82 The appearance of East Greek pottery in Levantine assemblages
toward the end of the 7th century bc has been summarized in a
number of detailed studies: see e.g. Waldbaum 1994, 1997, 2002a;
Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Fantalkin 2001b; Niemeier 2001;
Niemeier and Niemeier 2002; Wenning 2001, 2004.
83 Na’aman 1991a; Fantalkin 2001b, with further references. Likewise,
references to units of Kittim in the Arad documents provide
additional evidence for the activity of these mercenaries in the
service of Egypt (Na’aman 1991a, 47-8; for Kittim in the later sources,
see Eshel 2001). The Qrsy, mentioned in Inscription 18 from Arad,
may relate to Carian mercenaries (cf. Zadok 2005, 80). It is possible
that these units were also active during a brief period when Egypt
returned to the region (601/600–599/598 bc) as a result of
Nebuchadnezzar’s unsuccessful campaign against Egypt in 601/600
84 Na’aman 1991a; Finkelstein 1995b, 148, 152-3; Fantalkin 2001b.
85 See e.g., Magness 2001; Fischer 2005a, 181, fig. 10; Fantalkin
(forthcoming b).
86 See e.g., Weinberg 1969, 90; Kelm and Mazar 1989; Waldbaum 1994,
60-1; Master 2003; Faust and Weiss 2005, 75.
87 Master 2001, 167-8, 171; Waldbaum 2002b.
88 In too many cases, scholars automatically assume that the presence
of imported pottery is evidence of pottery trade. But any valid
explanation that deals with distribution of the imported pottery
must take into consideration a wide spectrum of circumstances that
may distinguish various regions during different periods (cf.
Snodgrass 1980, 126-8; Gill 1994).
89 Fantalkin 2001b, 137-41.
90 Hdt. 2.179; and see Möller 2000a, 204-8.
91 Already in 616 bc, Psammetichos I and his army came to the aid of
Assyrian king Sin-shar-ishkun and fought alongside the Assyrians in
the far north, in the vicinity of Qablinu/Gablini (Wiseman 1961, 1113, 44, 54-5; Spalinger 1978, 49-50; Zadok 1985, 135). In 612 bc,
Psammetichos I’s rule certainly extended at least as far as the
Lebanese coast, as attested by various written sources in which the
tribute brought by the kings of Phoenicia to Egypt is mentioned
(Spalinger 1977, 228-9; 1978, 55, n. 27; Na’aman 1991a, 51-2).
92 In this regard, Ionian involvement in a slave and metal trade with
Tyre, as reported in Ezekiel 27:13, deserves to be mentioned.
93 Saying all this, however, I do not wish to reject completely the
possibility of certain East Greek trade with the coast of Palestine,
especially with places like Ashkelon. On the other hand, we should
consider the possibility that whatever East Greek trade existed, if
any, would have been directed mainly toward the East Greek
mercenaries who were stationed in the region. In this case, those
East Greek mercenaries were able to receive some familiar goods
(including pottery), otherwise inaccessible in the local environment.
94 Bettalli 1995; de la Genière 1999; Kearsley 1999; Trundle 1999, 2004;
Niemeier 2001; Wenning 2001; Fantalkin 2001b; Kaplan 2002, 2003;
Raaflaub 2004a.
95 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6.
96 Helm 1980, 137.
97 Bettalli 1995; Niemeier 2001, 2002.
98 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6.
99 Wenning 2004, 31-2, n. 13.
100 Wenning 1989.
101 Na’aman 1991a, 47.
102 Cf. Stevenson 1982, 255-61.
103 Fantalkin 2001b, 10-49, 144.
104 Fantalkin 2001b, 143-4.
105 Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005.
106 Fantalkin 2001b, 128.
107 Niemeier 2002, 329.
108 Niemeier 2002, 330.
109 Lehmann 2002a, 77-87.
110 As may be deduced from both Mez.ad H.ashavyahu and the Arad
ostraca; and see Na’aman 1991a, 46-8, in more details.
111 The location of Mez.ad H.ashavyahu in the vicinity of the natural
anchorage of Yavneh-Yam (cf. Galili and Sharvit 2005), supports
Na’aman’s (1991a, 51) suggestion that Necho II and his army may
have sailed as far as the Lebanese coast and launched campaigns
from there. In this regard the increasing importance of the naval
forces under the Saïte Dynasty should definitely be emphasized (cf.
Lloyd 1972).
112 Finkelstein 2002.
113 Luckenbill 1927, 297-8; cf. Jer. 46:9; Hdt. 2.152.
114 See e.g., Kocybala 1978, 132; Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1992;
Tsetskhladze 1994, 2002; Gorman 2001, 67; Greaves 2002, 107-8. It
should be noted that earlier scholarship tends to be more
sympathetic to ‘Barbarian Asia’ when describing the relations
between the coastal Ionian cities and the Lydian and Persian
empires, cf., e.g., Radet 1893; Hogarth 1909, 78; 1929; Lenschau 1913;
Dunham 1915, 70-6; and more recently, Balcer 1991; Georges 1994,
2000; Buxton 2002; Burkert 2004.
115 Is it a coincidence that Ionia’s cultural renewal, which is sometimes
called ‘the Ionian Renaissance’, started in the 4th century bc, mainly
after the ‘King’s peace’ in 387 bc? Cf. Isager 1994; Pedersen 2004;
Lawall 2006.
116 Hall 2002, 182, n. 44; Moles 2002.
117 Hdt. 2.178.
118 As may be deduced from Hall 1997, 49-50 and Malkin 2003b.
119 Weinberg 1969.
120 Cf. Vanderhooft 1999; Lipschits 2005.
121 For instance, Frank Wascheck kindly informs me that most of the
Fikellura pottery fragments unearthed at Tell Sukas should be dated
to the last third of the 6th century bc.
122 It is quite clear, for instance, that the so-called Greek temple of Tell
Sukas is not Greek at all and is perfectly at home in a Near Eastern
milieu (cf. Bonatz 1993; Mazzoni 2002).
123 Cf. Wenning 1981, 2004; Elayi 1988; Tal 1999, 107-9; Ambar-Armon
124 It goes without saying that certain traditions of collective decision
making, mostly on the communal level, were already widespread in
the ancient Near East. Still, such phenomena, which are sometimes
characterized as ‘democracy’s ancient ancestors’ (Fleming 2004),
remain a world apart from what was achieved on the Aegean side.
125 Cf. Coldstream 1983, 1995, 1998a, 2000; Lemos 2001.
126 Snodgrass 1980, 15-84; Morris 2005.
127 Papadopoulos 2005.
128 Hamilakis 2002, 18-19; Osborne 2004, 7-22.
129 Turner 2001.
130 Morris and Manning 2005.
131 Cf. Boardman 2001a; Winter 1995.
132 I think Muhly’s skepticism about the notion of so-called traveling
© The British Museum
Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 207
Oriental craftsmen working as long-term residents on Aegean soil is
well-founded (Muhly 2005).
Snodgrass 1980.
Raaflaub 2004b.
See e.g. Thornton 2000; Boardman 2005.
Morris 2000, 168.
Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; and see also Sherratt 2005, 36.
Kardulias 1999.
Morris 1999.
See also Morris 2000, passim; Whitley 2001, 102-23.
Morris 2000, 257.
Mazarakis Ainian 1999.
See e.g. Coldstream 1976; Antonaccio 1995; Mazarakis Ainian 1999.
The literature is vast, but to cite a few: Coldstream 1976; Morris 1988;
208 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt
Whitley 1988, 1994, 1995, 2002; Antonaccio 1994, 1995; Mazarakis
Ainian 1999; Finkelberg 2004, 2005.
Antonaccio 1995, 254. Except for a few insignificant cases, see
Morgan 2003, 187-95.
Morris 2000, 155-91.
Cf. Sahlins 2005, who convincingly demonstrates that the
intensification of any one opposition is likely to engage and
aggravate all the other antagonisms. That is to say the small-scale
initial disputes may easily be magnified into large-scale struggles
between nations and kingdoms, making macrohistories out of
microhistories and vice versa.
For a general framework of counterfactual approach, see Tetlock and
Belkin 1996; Ferguson 1997.
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Greek Diversity
in Egypt
Studies on East Greek Pottery and
Exchange in the Eastern
Edited by Alexandra Villing and
Udo Schlotzhauer
© The British Museum
The British Museum Research Publication Number 162
The British Museum
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Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt
Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern
Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer
Front cover: Fragment of North Ionian black-figure amphora (?) from
Naukratis. British Museum GR 1886.4-1.1282 (Vase B 102.33)
ISBN-13 978-086159-162-6
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Note: the British Museum Occasional Papers series is now entitled
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1 to 150, and the RP series, keeping the same ISSN and ISBN
preliminary numbers, begins at number 151.
For a complete catalogue of the full range of OPs and RPs see the
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© The British Museum
Naukratis and the Eastern Mediterranean: Past, Present and Future
Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer
The Hellenion at Naukratis: Questions and Observations
Ursula Höckmann and Astrid Möller
The Delta: From Gamma to Zeta
Alan Johnston
‘Drab Bowls’ for Apollo: The Mortaria of Naukratis and Exchange in the
Archaic Eastern Mediterranean
Alexandra Villing
Carian Mercenaries at Naukratis?
Dyfri Williams and Alexandra Villing
The Study of East Greek Pottery
John Boardman
East Greek Pottery from Naukratis: The Current State of Research
Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing
Neutron Activation Analysis of Pottery from Naukratis and other Related Vessels
Hans Mommsen with M.R. Cowell, Ph. Fletcher, D. Hook, U. Schlotzhauer, A. Villing, S. Weber
and D. Williams
Naukratis: Les importations grecques orientales archaiques.
Classification et détermination d’origine en laboratoire
Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas
Archaic Greek Plates from the Apollo Sanctuary at Emecik, Knidia.
Results and Questions Concerning Dorian Pottery Production
Regina Attula
The Non-Figured Wares from the Anglo-Turkish Excavations at
Old Smyrna. Points of Contact with Naukratis
Stavros Paspalas
Chemical Provenance Determination of Pottery: The Example of the
Aiolian Pottery Group G
Hans Mommsen and Michael Kerschner
© The British Museum
On the Provenance of Aiolian Pottery
Michael Kerschner
The Chian Pottery from Naukratis
Dyfri Williams
Some Observations on Milesian Pottery
Udo Schlotzhauer with contributions by P. Herrmann (†) and S. Weber
East Greek ‘Situlae‘ from Egypt
Sabine Weber with an Appendix: Neutron Activation Analysis Results by H. Mommsen, A. Schwedt,
S. Weber and M.R. Cowell
The Apries Amphora – Another Cartouche
Donald Bailey
The Greeks in Berezan and Naukratis: A Similar Story?
Richard Posamentir
Some Ceramic Inscriptions Istrian Sanctuaries: The Naukratis Approach
Iulian Bîrzescu
Naukratis and Archaic Pottery Finds from Cyrene’s Extramural Sanctuary of Demeter
Gerald Schaus
Imported Greek Pottery in Archaic Cyrene: The Excavations in the Casa del Propileo
Ivan D’Angelo
Etruscan and Italic Finds in North Africa, 7th–2nd century BC
Alessandro Naso
Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age
Alexander Fantalkin
© The British Museum
Regina Attula
Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität Greifswald
Institut für Altertumswissenschaften
Rudolf-Petershagen-Allee 1
17487 Greifswald
[email protected]
Alexander Fantalkin
Tel Aviv University
Department of Archaeology and Ancient
Near Eastern Civilizations
Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv 69978
[email protected]
Donald Bailey
The British Museum
Greek and Roman Department
Great Russell Street
London WC1B 3DG
United Kingdom
[email protected]
Ursula Höckmann
Taunusstr. 39
55118 Mainz
[email protected]
Iulian Bîrzescu
Institute for Archaeology ‘Vasile Pârvan’ of the Romanian
Str. Henri Coanda, nr. 11, sector 1
010667 Bucharest
[email protected]
John Boardman
Ashmolean Museum
Beaumont Street
Oxford OX1 2PH
United Kingdom
[email protected]
Ivan D'Angelo
Università di Napoli ‘L'Orientale’
Dipartimento Mondo Classico e Mediterraneo Antico
Palazzo Corigliano
Piazza S. Domenico Maggiore
80138 Naples
[email protected]
Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas
CNRS-UMR 5138,
Archéométrie – Archéologie
Université Lyon 2
7, Rue Raulin
69365 Lyon CEDEX 7
[email protected]
Alan Johnston
Institute of Archaeology
University College London
31–34 Gordon Square
London WC1H 0PY
United Kingdom
[email protected]
Michael Kerschner
Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut, ÖAI
Franz-Klein-Gasse 1
1190 Vienna
[email protected]
Astrid Möller
Seminar für Alte Geschichte
Kollegiengebäude 1
79098 Freiburg i. Br.
[email protected]
Hans Mommsen
Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn
Helmholtz-Institut für Strahlen- und Kernphysik
Nussallee 14–16
53115 Bonn
[email protected]
© The British Museum
Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | v
Alessandro Naso
Università degli Studi del Molise
Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche, Umane e Sociali
Via G. de Sanctis, snc
86100 Campobasso
[email protected]
Udo Schlotzhauer
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAI
Im Dol 2-6, Haus II
14195 Berlin
[email protected]
Stavros Paspalas
Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens
Zacharitsa 23
11741 Athens
[email protected]
Alexandra Villing
The British Museum
Greek and Roman Department
Great Russell Street
London WC1B 3DG
United Kingdom
[email protected]
Richard Posamentir
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAI
Abteilung Istanbul
Gümüssuyu/Ayapasa Camii
Sok. 48
34437 Istanbul
[email protected]
Sabine Weber
Walkmühlstr. 6
65195 Wiesbaden
[email protected]
Gerry Schaus
Wilfrid Laurier University
Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies
75 University Avenue West
Waterloo, Ontario
N2L 3C5
[email protected]
vi | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt
Dyfri Williams
The British Museum
Greek and Roman Department
Great Russell Street
London WC1B 3DG
United Kingdom
[email protected]
© The British Museum
This volume has its origin in a workshop on Naukratis and East
Greek pottery held at the British Museum in December 2004 as
the 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium, the result of a
collaboration between the British Museum and members of the
Naukratis Project of SFB 295 at the Gutenberg-Universität
Mainz. Made possible by the generosity of the Gerda-HenkelStiftung and the Caryatid Group of the British Museum’s Greek
and Roman Department, to whom we extend our gratitude, the
workshop brought together archaeologists, historians and
scientists with the aim of generating a fruitful discussion and
exchange of ideas and knowledge to further our understanding
of the site of Naukratis in its wider, Eastern Mediterranean
context. As it emerged, the scientific analysis of pottery samples
taken both at the British Museum and elsewhere proved
particular vital for many results presented here. To a large extent
this was made possible by subsidies from the Deutsche
Forschungsgemeinschaft, by the personal interest of Professor
Hans Mommsen of the Helmholtz-Institut, Friedrich-WilhelmUniversität Bonn and the various other individuals, excavations
and institutions that allowed material in their care to be
analysed, and by the generous help of the staff of the
Department of Conservation, Documentation and Science of the
British Museum, notably Mike Cowell and Duncan Hook.
As editors, we have greatly enjoyed working with such
knowledgeable, reliable and responsive colleagues as have come
together for the present volume. The collaborative spirit that
pervades the volume has its roots in the stimulating discussion
and collaborative ambience of the workshop, which led to
further exchanges well beyond the confines of the actual
gathering. We are grateful to all participants, who made it such
an exceptionally productive experience. The contributions
assembled in this volume reflect this ongoing research and
discourse, which has helped the volume to be, we hope, not just
a gathering of individual papers but more a thematically linked
Many people have contributed to making the workshop, the
related research and this volume possible. On the Mainz side,
we would like to thank in particular Sabine Weber (Mainz) for
her vital input in the workshop and related research, and Ursula
Höckmann and Detlev Kreikenbom (Mainz), Naukratis project
leaders within SFB 295 – Kreikenbom for his support in
organising the financing of the workshop, and Höckmann for
much help and constant openness to discussions.
On the British Museum side, we would like to thank in
particular Dyfri Williams, Keeper of the Greek and Roman
Department, for making the workshop possible and for his
unfailing support throughout; all colleagues in Greek and
Roman Department and the Educational AV unit for help with
organising the workshop; colleagues in the Department of
Ancient Egypt and Sudan, especially Jeffrey Spencer and Neal
Spencer, as well as in the Middle East Department, for helpful
discussions and access to objects; Lesley Fitton, Susan
Woodford, Mira Hudson, Bárbara Freitas, Sara Cambeta and
Sotiria Papastavrou for help with proof-reading; Kate Morton
for producing two wonderful new maps and several profile
drawings; the British Museum’s Photography and Imaging
Department, especially Dudley Hubbard, for producing new
photographs of objects at short notice; Lindy Crewe for help
with image editing; John Boardman for encouragement and the
donation of his invaluable Naukratis archive to the British
Museum; and last but not least Josephine Turquet for producing
the volume sympathetically and efficiently as ever.
Editorial note
For Greek names a Greek spelling has been retained wherever it
was deemed not too unusual for the eye, which invariably
means there will be considerable inconsistencies (such as
Klazomenai and Aiolis but Cyrene and Laconia).
A joint bibliography can be found at the end of the volume.
Journals have been abbreviated after the guidelines of the
American Journal of Archaeology. Some additional abbreviations
are used, such as NAA for neutron activation analysis. Stylistic
phases in the development of East Greek pottery from various
regions have been abbreviated (e.g. as NiA I = North Ionian
Archaic I; MileA II = Milesian Archaic II) according to the new
system set out in Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005.
The order in which the contributions are arranged was in
part determined by the practical necessities of printing the
colour sections.
© The British Museum
Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | vii