Jonathan D. Klein 2005;116;281 DOI: 10.1542/peds.2005-0999

Adolescent Pregnancy: Current Trends and Issues
Jonathan D. Klein
Pediatrics 2005;116;281
DOI: 10.1542/peds.2005-0999
The online version of this article, along with updated information and services, is
located on the World Wide Web at:
PEDIATRICS is the official journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics. A monthly
publication, it has been published continuously since 1948. PEDIATRICS is owned,
published, and trademarked by the American Academy of Pediatrics, 141 Northwest Point
Boulevard, Elk Grove Village, Illinois, 60007. Copyright © 2005 by the American Academy
of Pediatrics. All rights reserved. Print ISSN: 0031-4005. Online ISSN: 1098-4275.
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Guidance for the Clinician in Rendering Pediatric Care
Jonathan D. Klein, MD, MPH, and the Committee on Adolescence
Adolescent Pregnancy: Current Trends and Issues
ABSTRACT. The prevention of unintended adolescent
pregnancy is an important goal of the American Academy of Pediatrics and our society. Although adolescent
pregnancy and birth rates have been steadily decreasing,
many adolescents still become pregnant. Since the last
statement on adolescent pregnancy was issued by the
Academy in 1998, efforts to prevent adolescent pregnancy have increased, and new observations, technologies, and prevention effectiveness data have emerged.
The purpose of this clinical report is to review current
trends and issues related to adolescent pregnancy, update
practitioners on this topic, and review legal and policy
implications of concern to pediatricians. Pediatrics 2005;
116:281–286; pregnancy, contraceptives, childbearing, adolescent parents.
ABBREVIATIONS. AAP, American Academy of Pediatrics; STD,
sexually transmitted disease.
dolescent pregnancy in the United States is a
complex issue affecting families, health care
professionals, educators, government officials, and youths themselves.1,2 Since 1998, when the
last statement on this topic was issued by the American Academy of Pediatrics3 (AAP), efforts to prevent adolescent pregnancy have increased,1 and new
observations, technologies, and prevention effectiveness data have emerged. The purpose of this clinical
report is to provide pediatricians with recent data on
adolescent sexuality, contraceptive use, and childbearing as well as information about preventing adolescent pregnancy in their communities and in clinical practice. This report does not address diagnosis
of pregnancy or management of the transition to
prenatal care. Information about counseling pregnant youth is provided in the AAP policy statement
“Counseling the Adolescent About Pregnancy Options,”4 and from the Alan Guttmacher Institute,5
and information about early prenatal care is available from the American College of Obstetricians and
Gynecologists (
The guidance in this report does not indicate an exclusive course of treatment or serve as a standard of medical care. Variations, taking into account
individual circumstances, may be appropriate.
PEDIATRICS (ISSN 0031 4005). Copyright © 2005 by the American Academy of Pediatrics.
The proportion of American adolescents who are
sexually active has decreased in recent years; however, rates are still high enough to warrant concern.6–9 Currently, more than 45% of high school
females and 48% of high school males have had
sexual intercourse.6 The average age of first intercourse is 17 years for girls and 16 years for boys.10
However, approximately one fourth of all youth report having had intercourse by 15 years of age.11,12
Younger teenagers are especially vulnerable to coercive and nonconsensual sex. Involuntary sexual activity has been reported by 74% of sexually active
girls younger than 14 years and 60% of those
younger than 15 years.10,11 Sexually active youth,
similar to older unmarried adults, usually have monogamous, short-lived relationships with successive
partners. Current surveys indicate that 11% of high
school females and 17% of high school males report
having had 4 or more sexual partners.7 In addition to
intercourse, many adolescents report having had oral
sex or engaging in kissing, touching, or other mutual
stimulation; however, data on these other behaviors
are reported rarely.13
There are several predictors of sexual intercourse
during the early adolescent years, including early
pubertal development, a history of sexual abuse,
poverty, lack of attentive and nurturing parents, cultural and family patterns of early sexual experience,
lack of school or career goals, substance abuse, and
poor school performance or dropping out of
school.1,2,6,11,12,14 Factors associated with a delay in
the initiation of sexual intercourse include living
with both parents in a stable family environment,
regular attendance at places of worship, and higher
family income.11,12,15,16 Recently, parental supervision, setting expectations, and parent/child “connectedness” have been recognized as clearly associated with decreasing risky sexual behavior and other
risky behaviors among adolescents.14,16
Despite increasing use of contraception by adolescents at the time of first intercourse,10–12,17,18 50% of
adolescent pregnancies occur within the first 6
months of initial sexual intercourse.11 The human
immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic and public
health education efforts have led more adolescents to
use barrier contraceptives; nonetheless, in 2003,
among high school students who reported that they
PEDIATRICS Vol. 116 No. 1 July 2005
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had ever had sexual intercourse, only 63% reported
having used a condom the last time they had intercourse.6 Despite HIV prevention guidelines, initiation of prescription contraceptives is often accompanied by decreased condom use, especially among
adolescents who do not perceive themselves to be at
risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs).19 Many
adolescents who currently report using prescription
contraceptives delayed seeing a clinician for a contraceptive prescription until they had been sexually
active for 1 year or more.10 Adolescent women, similar to adult women, have changed contraceptive
methods in recent years, with decreases in pill use
and increases in injectable contraceptive use.20 Factors associated with more consistent contraceptive
use among sexually active youth include academic
success in school, anticipation of a satisfying future,
and being involved in a stable relationship with a
sexual partner.21 The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention unambiguously recommends both
abstinence and the use of barrier contraceptives for
individuals who choose to be sexually active.22 However, some groups continue to question the effectiveness of condoms.23 Youth who participated in programs that provided information about abstinence,
condoms, and/or contraception; who were engaged
in one-on-one discussions about their own behavior;
who were given clear messages about sex and condom or contraceptive use; and who were provided
condoms or contraceptives have been found to increase consistent condom and contraception use
without increasing sexual activity.1
Each year, approximately 900 000 teenagers become pregnant in the United States,1 and despite
decreasing rates, more than 4 in 10 adolescent girls
have been pregnant at least once before 20 years of
age.1 Most of these pregnancies are among older
teenagers (ie, those 18 or 19 years of age).1,24 Approximately 51% of adolescent pregnancies end in live
births, 35% end in induced abortion, and 14% result
in miscarriage or stillbirth.1,2,11,15,24 Historically, the
highest adolescent birth rates in the United States
were during the 1950s and 1960s, before the legalization of abortion and the development of many of the
current forms of contraception.20 After the legalization of abortion in 1973, birth rates for US females 15
to 19 years of age decreased sharply until 1986. Rates
increased steadily until 1991; since then, the birth
rate among teenagers has decreased every year since
1991.1,24,25 Since 1991, the rate has decreased 35% for
15- to 17-year-olds and 20% for 18- to 19-year-olds.23
Rates for 10- to 14-year-olds were 1.4 per 1000 in 1992
and have gradually decreased to 0.7 per 1000 in
Although birth rates have been decreasing steadily
for white and black teenagers in recent years, 1996 is
the first year that birth rates decreased for Hispanic
teenagers; Hispanic adolescents also have had the
highest overall birth rates and smallest decreases in
recent years.25,27
Once a teenager has had 1 infant, she is at in282
creased risk of having another. Approximately 25%
of adolescent births are not first births.1,2,9,28
Adolescent childbearing is usually inconsistent
with mainstream societal demands for attaining
adulthood through education, work experience, and
financial stability. Poverty is correlated significantly
with adolescent pregnancy in the United States. Although 38% of adolescents live in poor or low-income families, as many as 83% of adolescents who
give birth and 61% who have abortions are from
poor or low-income families. At least one third of
parenting adolescents (both males and females) are
themselves products of adolescent pregnancy. Although it is difficult to establish causal links between
childhood maltreatment and subsequent adolescent
pregnancy, in some studies as many as 50% to 60% of
those who become pregnant in early or midadolescence have a history of childhood sexual or physical
The problem of adolescent pregnancy is often assumed to be both an adolescent and an adult problem, because many partners of childbearing youth
are adults. The percentage of adolescent pregnancies
in which the father is an adult is unclear; studies
report a range from 7% to 67%.29–33 Adult men having sexual relationships with adolescents is problematic, because many of these relationships may be
abusive or coercive. Adolescents who have sex with
older men are also more likely to contract HIV infection or other STDs.30,31,33,34 Although more than two
thirds of adolescent girls’ sexual partners are the
same age or within a few years older and the sexual
activity is consensual in nature, some partners are
more than 4 years older.35 Sexual relationships between adults and minors may be coercive or exploitative, with detrimental consequences for the health
of both the teenager and her children.30,36 Although
some states and local jurisdictions have changed statutory rape laws and their enforcement, mandated
reporting of all sexual activity as statutory rape or as
child abuse has not been effective at changing behavior, does not allow for clinical judgment, and has the
effect of deterring some of the adolescents most in
need from seeking health care.36,37
Adolescent fathers are similar to adolescent mothers; they are more likely than their peers who are not
fathers to have poor academic performance, higher
school drop-out rates, limited financial resources,
and decreased income potential.37–39 Some fathers
disappear from the lives of their adolescent partners
and children,40 but many others attempt to stay involved, and many young fathers struggle to be involved in their children’s lives.40,41 Current programs in adolescent pregnancy and parenting are
exploring ways to reach and engage young fathers in
the lives of their children.
The birth rate to unmarried female adolescents has
been increasing steadily for most of the last 30 years.
In 2001, 78.9% of all births to adolescents occurred
outside of marriage.24 The increasing birth rate of
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unmarried adolescents is primarily attributable to
higher rates of births to unmarried white adolescents. However, adolescents account for a smaller
percentage of total out-of-wedlock births now (26%
in 2001) than they did in 1970 (50%).24 Births to
unmarried teenagers reflect a larger societal trend
toward single parenthood, because birth rates for
unmarried adults have also increased.25,42,43 Although some reports have suggested that rates of
marriage among childbearing teenagers are increasing, few teenagers or young adults who become
pregnant are married before their infant is born.44
More than 90% of 15- to 19-year-olds (and half of
all adults) describe their pregnancies as being unintended. More than half of unintended adolescent
pregnancies end in induced or spontaneous abortion,43,44 compared with 35% of adolescent pregnancies overall.21 On the other hand, some adolescent
pregnancies are intended, and some young women
are motivated to become pregnant and have children. Similar to adults, adolescents give many reasons for wanting to have children; the reason that
some adolescents are motivated to be mothers at an
early age is unclear.1 Recent data suggest that many
young women are ambivalent about becoming pregnant, and this is associated with less consistent and
less effective contraceptive use.45
Even with recent decreases, the United States has
the highest adolescent birth rate among comparable
industrialized countries despite sexual activity rates
that are similar or higher among Western European
teenagers than among teenagers in the United
States.5,17,21,25,46 For every 1000 females 15 to 19 years
of age in 1992, 4 in Japan gave birth, 8 in the Netherlands gave birth, 33 in the United Kingdom gave
birth, 41 in Canada gave birth, and 61 in the United
States gave birth.21 The higher birth rate for American adolescents compared with their peers in other
countries is not attributable solely to high birth rates
among American minority groups; non-Hispanic
white adolescents in the United States also have a
higher birth rate than do teenagers observed in any
other developed country.5,10,47 The reasons for this
contrast are unclear, but European teenagers may
have greater access to and acceptance of contraception. The contrast also may be related to universal
sexuality education that exists in some European
countries. Welfare benefits tend to be more generous
in Europe than in the United States; thus, it is unlikely that the current welfare system motivates or
explains American teenagers’ decisions to have children.
Pregnant adolescents younger than 17 years have a
higher incidence of medical complications involving
mother and child than do adult women, although
these risks may be greatest for the youngest teenagers.17,48 The incidence of having a low birth weight
infant (⬍2500 g) among adolescents is more than
double the rate for adults, and the neonatal death
rate (within 28 days of birth) is almost 3 times higher.49 The mortality rate for the mother, although low,
is twice that for adult pregnant women.15,17
Adolescent pregnancy has been associated with
other medical problems including poor maternal
weight gain, prematurity (birth at ⬍37 weeks’ gestation), pregnancy-induced hypertension, anemia, and
STDs. Approximately 14% of infants born to adolescents 17 years or younger are preterm versus 6% for
women 25 to 29 years of age.49 Young adolescent
mothers (14 years and younger) are more likely than
other age groups to give birth to underweight infants, and this is more pronounced in black adolescents.1,50–53
Biological factors that have been associated consistently with negative pregnancy outcomes are poor
nutritional status, low prepregnancy weight and
height, parity, and poor pregnancy weight gain.51,52
Many social factors have also been associated with
poor birth outcomes, including poverty, unmarried
status, low educational levels, smoking, drug use,
and inadequate prenatal care.54 Both biological and
social factors may contribute to poor outcomes in
adolescents. Adolescents also have high rates of
STDs, substance use, and poor nutritional intake, all
of which contribute to the risk of preterm delivery.52
Interventions, such as prenatal intake of folic acid as
a strategy for prevention of spina bifida, can be effective at decreasing observed disparities between
adolescents and older women.55
The psychosocial problems of adolescent pregnancy include school interruption, persistent poverty, limited vocational opportunities, separation
from the child’s father, divorce, and repeat pregnancy. When pregnancy does interrupt an adolescent’s education, a history of poor academic performance usually exists.56 Having repeat births before
18 years of age has a negative effect on high school
completion. Factors associated with increased high
school completion for pregnant teenagers include
race (black teenagers fare better than do white teenagers), being raised in a smaller family, presence of
reading materials in the home, employment of the
teenager’s mother, and having parents with higher
educational levels.54,56,57
Research suggests that long-term negative social
outcomes are not inevitable. Several long-term follow-up studies indicate that 2 decades after giving
birth, most former adolescent mothers are not welfare-dependent; many have completed high school,
have secured regular employment, and do not have
large families.51,57 Comprehensive adolescent pregnancy programs seem to contribute to good outcomes, as do home-visitation programs designed to
promote good child health outcomes.51,58
Research during the past decade confirms the common belief that children of adolescent mothers do
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not fare as well as those of adult mothers. These
children have increased risks of developmental delay, academic difficulties, behavioral disorders, substance abuse, early sexual activity, depression, and
becoming adolescent parents themselves.57,59
Adolescent mothers may not possess the same
level of maternal skills as do adults. There is debate
in the literature regarding the association of maternal
age and child abuse. Some studies indicate that
young maternal age is a risk factor for abuse, including fatalities, and others indicate the presence of
reporting biases that may confound the findings.60–63
Although the current political climate tends to require that adolescent mothers live at home with their
own families to qualify for government assistance,
there is evidence that intensive involvement of families in rearing children of older adolescents may not
be beneficial for either the adolescent or her
child.54,64 Many adolescent parenting programs are
exploring ways to involve the families of the parenting adolescent in child care activities that are helpful.
Many models of adolescent pregnancy-prevention
programs exist.65–68 Most successful programs include multiple and varied approaches to the problem
and include abstinence promotion and contraception
information, contraceptive availability, sexuality education, school-completion strategies, and job training. Primary-prevention (first pregnancy) and secondary-prevention (repeat pregnancy) programs are
both needed, with particular attention to adolescents
who are at highest risk of becoming pregnant and
innovative programs that include males.69–72 Parents, schools, religious institutions, physicians, social
and government agencies, and adolescents all have
roles in successful prevention programs.
Efforts to prevent adolescent pregnancy at both the
national and local levels have increased in recent
years, and there has been increasing evidence that
several different kinds of programs may help decrease sexual risk taking and pregnancy among teenagers. Recent studies have found that some sexuality- and HIV-education programs have sustained
positive effects on behavior, and at least 1 program
that combines sexuality education and youth development has been shown to decrease pregnancy rates
for as long as 3 years.1 Additionally, both community
learning programs and sexuality- and HIV-education
programs have been found to decrease sexual risk
taking and/or pregnancy, and short clinic-based interventions involving educational materials coupled
with counseling also may increase contraceptive
Despite encouraging trends, efforts to prevent
pregnancy must be constantly renewed as children
enter into adolescence. By 2010, the population of
adolescent girls 15 to 19 years of age is expected to
increase by 10%; thus, decreasing pregnancy rates
may not mean fewer pregnancies or births. Nonetheless, condom use has increased slightly, and adolescent contraceptive users have increasingly adopted
long-acting hormonal methods, which have the low284
est failure rates; thus, overall contraceptive effectiveness among teenagers has been improving.73
Current research indicates that encouraging abstinence and urging better use of contraception are
compatible goals. Evidence shows that sexuality education that discusses contraception does not increase sexual activity, and programs that emphasize
abstinence as the safest and best approach, while also
teaching about contraceptives for sexually active
youth, do not decrease contraceptive use. Some program models have resulted in better protective and
preventive health behaviors.
1. Encourage adolescents to postpone early sexual
activity and encourage parents to educate their
children and adolescents about sexual development, responsible sexuality, decision-making, and
2. Be sensitive to issues relating to adolescent sexuality and be prepared to obtain a developmentally
appropriate confidential sexual history from all
adolescent patients. Because medical complications are possible, offer confidential screenings for
sexual activity and pregnancy risk as well as for
STD risk and abuse as a routine part of all adolescent care encounters.
3. Help ensure that all adolescents have knowledge
of and access to contraception including barrier
methods and emergency contraception supplies.
As stated in the AAP policy statement “Folic Acid
for the Prevention of Neural Tube Defects,”74 recommend folic acid supplementation for all
women of childbearing age who are capable of
becoming pregnant, especially sexually active
women who do not plan to use effective contraception or abstain from sexual intercourse.
4. Encourage and participate in community efforts
to delay onset of sexual activity and to prevent
first and subsequent adolescent pregnancies and
advocate for implementation and investments in
evidence-based programs that provide comprehensive information and services to youth. These
efforts may vary widely from one community to
another but should be directed at the specific
needs of youth in that community.
5. Be aware of options and resources for adolescents
and advocate for comprehensive medical and psychosocial support for all pregnant adolescents in
the community. When diagnosing pregnancy, discuss pregnancy options or refer the patient for
counseling; discuss adoption, abortion, and prenatal care; and provide follow-up. Tailor prenatal
care to the medical, social, nutritional, and educational needs of the adolescent and include child
care and contraceptive information.
6. Assess the adolescent mother’s abilities to care for
her children and have resources available for referral and assistance before neonatal discharge.
7. Advocate for the inclusion of the adolescent mother’s partner and/or father of her child in pregnancy and parenting programs when appropriate.
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These programs should provide access to education and vocational training, parenting skills
classes, and contraceptive education.
8. Serve as a resource for the pregnant teenager and
her infant, the teenager’s family, and the father of
the infant to ensure that optimal health care is
obtained and appropriate support is provided.
Committee on Adolescence, 2003–2004
Jonathan D. Klein, MD, MPH, Chairperson
Michelle S. Barratt, MD, MPH
Margaret J. Blythe, MD
Angela Diaz, MD
David S. Rosen, MD, MPH
Charles J. Wibbelsman, MD
S. Paige Hertweck, MD
American College of Obstetricians and
Miriam Kaufman, RN, MD
Canadian Paediatric Society
Benjamin Shain, MD, PhD
American Academy of Child and Adolescent
Karen S. Smith
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Adolescent Pregnancy: Current Trends and Issues
Jonathan D. Klein
Pediatrics 2005;116;281
DOI: 10.1542/peds.2005-0999
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